Theology https://cjscf.org Thu, 28 Oct 2021 15:38:11 +0000 en-CA hourly 1 https://cjscf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/CCSCF-cross-image.png Theology https://cjscf.org 32 32 The Canadian Socrates: Analyzing George Grant’s Theopolitical Project https://cjscf.org/theology/the-canadian-socrates-analyzing-george-grants-theopolitical-project/ Thu, 28 Oct 2021 15:38:03 +0000 https://cjscf.org/?p=846

The Canadian Socrates:

Analyzing George Grant’s Theopolitical Project

 

Brett Fawcett

 

“As married people will understand, anything true in what follows comes from my wife.”

–George Grant[1]

“Six hours of you is an apocalypse.”

–Scott Symons to George Grant[2]

            Canadian patriotism, and nationalism generally, is an ambivalent topic. The 2017 “Canada 150” celebrations had a somewhat muted tone as commentators mulled over what there was to celebrate. Canada’s history of mistreatment of Indigenous people and other minorities makes patriotism a challenge for many, but Canadian identity has always been a difficult concept and our national identity crisis is at least as old as Confederation itself. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has gone so far as to describe Canada as the first postnational state. Meanwhile, U.S. President Donald Trump proudly proclaims himself to be a nationalist while political commentators call nationalism a gateway drug to, if not an outright euphemism for, racism and nativism.

            This makes an understanding of the thought of George Parkin Grant (1918-1988) essentially important; trite as this phrase has become, it is more relevant today than it was when he first wrote. Grant is known as “the father of Canadian nationalism” and his 1965 epistle Lament for a Nation: The Defeat of Canadian Nationalism was taken at the time as a kind of political manifesto. Grant’s dirge for his country, which he saw as being absorbed by the United States, was a game-changer in the national conversation. Perhaps better than any other commenter, Grant understood the fragility of Canadian identity and articulated a vision of Canada to which citizens could aspire to be loyal.  But he was not an easy figure to pigeonhole: a hero of the left for his stance against the Vietnam War and capitalism in the 1970s, and a hero of the right for his anti-abortion and anti-euthanasia stance in the 1980s. But he was consistent throughout, holding to a perspective Gad Horowitz would term “Red Toryism”,[3] an old-fashioned left-wing conservatism suspicious of the free market and the permissive society alike. Grant himself said his conservatism was that of Richard Hooker,[4] Samuel Johnson, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, and Jonathan Swift, figures who had wrongly been accused of being “dominated for nostalgia for a dying Anglicanism, and having no significance for the practical world.”[5]

            Grant’s influence was wide-ranging. He influenced political activism, but also inspired artists: Margaret Atwood refers often to him in her book Survival (which argues that Canadian literature represents a desperate attempt to survive in the face of opposition) and Alex Colville, who designed the Centennial coins of 1967, based the 50 cent coin design—a wolf howling upwards—on Grant, a “lone wolf” within academia crying out for his lost pack. But to understand him, one must recognize that he did not see himself as primarily a political thinker. As he put it, “There’s never been one second of doubt in my mind that passing political interests like nationalism are minor compared to how one tries to live within the Christian church, which for me is the Anglican edition of that.”[6] He was loyal to Canadian democracy but that loyalty “must be limited, of course, for it is idolatry to give more than limited allegiance to anything as relative as the ordering of society.”[7] He defended Canadian nationalism because humans need the experience of self-denying loyalty as a prerequisite to the saving experience of God. Since technological globalism had made this kind of sense of loyalty and place impossible, the mystical experience of God was subsequently becoming impossible, the greatest possible anthropological catastrophe.

            Grant’s thought was a unique brand of religious conservatism that dared to defy many of the prevailing philosophies which still reign. But since he situated this as a Christian position, it needs to be critiqued from a Christian perspective. This paper will attempt to do so.

            What we find is that Grant was an apt critic of secular technological society and rightly pointed back to something eternal and religious, and Christians have much to learn from his work. However, he does not interpret this through the primary lens of the historical Christ-event, which causes him to commit serious errors in his thought which, ironically, lead him to fall into a kind of Americanism. Also, despite his vaunted Platonism, his inability to conceive of Canada itself as a transcendent ideal rather than a mere historical phenomenon hampers his thought. However, we can finally recognize him as being like a pagan prophet or poet who nevertheless points us to Christ, and observe that his errors show him failing to live up to his own insights rather than discrediting the insights themselves.

Grant’s Life and Thought

            Grant was from a family with deep roots in the formation of Canada. This likely informed his sense of Canada (or at least English Canada) as “his own”, something that he belonged to and loved. His paternal grandfather, Reverend George Munro Grant, was one of the great promoters of Confederation in the 19th century and the originator of Canada’s national motto a mari usque ad mare, “from sea to sea.” His maternal grandfather, Sir George Parkin, was administrator of the Rhodes Scholarship, a “wandering Evangelist of Empire” as a spokesman for Imperial Federation, and headmaster of Upper Canada College. His uncle was Vincent Massey, for whom the Massey Lectures are named; his sister married prominent Canadian ambassador George Ignatieff and became the mother of Canadian politician Michael Ignatieff.  Grant himself was a Rhodes scholar who, like Martin Luther, was on his way to becoming a lawyer when he had a frightening experience that led to his deeper conversion. He was a pacifist in his youth and worked as an Air Raid Precaution warden in London during the Second World War.  His post suffered a direct hit during a bombing raid in 1941, and he witnessed three hundred people, including several friends and a woman with whom he may have been romantically involved, brutally torn to pieces, an experience which left him psychologically shattered and nearly despairing of the possibility of goodness and even causing him to consider suicide. This is likely where the dark view of technology that would pervade his thought first took root in his psyche.

            This was interrupted by a curious experience he would later relate to interviewers: Having gone to work on a farm in the English countryside in 1942 to deal with his P.T.S.D., he found one afternoon that, as he dismounted his bicycle to open a gate, he was gripped by the sudden revelation that “I am not my own.” By the time he returned to the bicycle, he had “accepted God.” At this moment, he would later say, he was truly “born again.”[8] This cured him of his despair. For the rest of his life, despite his grim view of the future, he rejected the label of being a pessimist. “Pessimism” and “optimism” are Leibnizian categories, he observed, and no one who believes in God can truly be a pessimist.[9] It also shaped his vision of the good life that would inform all his subsequent writing–especially in his opposition to liberalism, which he sees as beginning with the premise that I am my own and belong to none other, especially not to a nation.

            As a result of this, Grant would move away from his nominal Presbyterian upbringing, which he said was more accurately “a species of what I would call secular liberalism [taught] by fine and well-educated people who found themselves in the destiny of not being able to see the Christianity of their pioneering ancestors as true,”[10] and become a high church Anglican. (He would often express a desire but an inability to become Catholic, apparently viewing Catholic practice as being too superstitious.) When he returned to Oxford after the war, he switched his focus from law to religion and philosophy. His experience doing so included joining the Socratic Club founded by C.S. Lewis, who had a similar experience of converting to Christianity while getting off and on a motorbike and whose thought would have a strong influence on Grant.[11] In that club, he met Sheila Allen, a Roman Catholic who had been a student of J.R.R. Tolkien’s. She was to become his wife, converting to Anglicanism for him.

            Grant went on to become an academic philosopher at different institutions, but always found himself as something of an outsider because of his deep religious commitments, to the point where he was nicknamed “the Bishop” and was sometimes mistaken as a preacher.[12] He taught at Dalhousie University, but was alienated from the rest of the faculty after writing an article in 1949 defining philosophy as “the analysis of the traditions of our society and the judgment of those traditions against our varying intuitions of the Perfections of God,” which damaged his credibility with more respectable and modern-minded philosophers. Throughout his career, Grant would criticize modern education and what he called the “Multiversity” for its loss of any eternal vision or transcendent good in favour of equipping students to fit into the technological society.[13] His vision of education, and of human life, was a Christian Platonist one: It was to find and encounter God.[14] The goal of philosophy was mysticism. Its purpose is to help us clear the way towards becoming saints by living lives like Jesus, St. Francis of Assisi, or Simone Weil, from whom Grant got his definition of “faith” as “knowledge enlightened by love.” It was about the pursuit of eternal truth, not about fitting into our historical moment.

            When Grant was offered the position of chair of the Philosophy department at York University, he enthusiastically quit his job to take it, only to discover with disappointment that York was using the same secular and modernistic textbooks and syllabi as the University of Toronto, which were completely at odds with Grant’s religious philosophy. Despite having a family to support, Grant quit his new job in protest.[15] He was subsequently employed at McMaster, where he tried to turn the Department of Religion into something closer to his vision of a Christian university. Throughout his life, he was always open to new educational methods, lecturing at the experimental and quasi-nudist Rochdale College of Toronto and at various “teach-ins.”

            Despite his marginalization by academia, Grant would gain widespread public attention in 1965 when he published the short but penetrating book Lament for a Nation: The Defeat of Canadian Nationalism. Written in response to the electoral defeat of John Diefenbaker, who had refused to allow the United States to station nuclear missiles within Canada, and the election of Lester Pearson, who acquiesced to America’s demands. Grant saw this as the failure of the Canadian project, and his book mourning it and predicting that Canada would be culturally and politically assimilated to the U.S. sparked a nationwide conversation about national identity and patriotism that eventually led to federal initiatives like CanCon requirements and the Foreign Investment Review Agency. But most of this reaction missed the subtler point Grant was making.

            Grant argued that Canada was a project of Protestant English Orangemen and reactionary French Catholics specifically to preserve their respective civilizations from being swallowed up by the liberal republicanism of the United States of America. In other words, Canada founded as a conservative country, though he admits that conservatism is difficult to define, since it is “not philosophically explicit.” He describes it as “an appeal to an ill-defined past…an inchoate desire to build, in these cold and forbidding regions, a society with a greater sense of order and restraint than freedom-loving republicanism would allow.”  In contrast to the “lack of public and personal restraint” they observed in America, the conservatism of Canada’s founders “was essentially the social doctrine that public order and tradition, in contrast to freedom and experiment, were central to the good life.”[16]

            Grant fundamentally agreed with this. He held that the good life required a form of political loyalty, because the “love of one’s own”, as he liked to put it, was the first act of being pulled out of oneself towards a good, and thus the first step towards loving the Good. In other words, conservatism means that I am not my own.

            In contrast to this is what Grant calls liberalism, enshrined in the principles of the American Republic, which he defines as “a set of beliefs which proceed from the central assumption that man’s essence is his freedom and therefore that what chiefly concerns man in this life is to shape the world as we want it.”[17] This was the polar opposite of the sentiment that I am not my own. Grant was deeply critical of liberalism, dedicating much of his 1974 book English-Speaking Justice to refuting its formulations in the work of thinkers like John Rawls. Yet liberalism was fated to ultimately triumph over all forms of conservatism because of technology.

            Grant’s definition of technology is taken from Jacques Ellul’s treatise, The Technological Society: Technology, or, as he initially preferred to call it, technique is “the totality of methods rationally arrived at and having absolute efficiency (for a given stage of development) in every field of human activity.”[18] Technology is entirely in the service of changing the material world in accordance with the will of the individual.

            Initially, Grant had toyed with the idea that technology could allow human beings to better engage in philosophy since it allowed us more leisure time; he observed, for example, how his wife’s burden had been relieved by the washing machine. Yet his study of Heidegger led him to abandon this view. Technology is not just a tool; it is an ontology, a way of being, and since it is entirely about imposing our will on the world, it creates a way of being in which our wills are supreme. This necessarily leads to liberalism, which holds that “the highest purpose of life is to will autonomously.”[19] “Conservatism must languish as technology increases.”[20]

            The liberalism that Grant fears is both economic and social. He denounces capitalism, anticipating the widespread recognition of it as “neoliberalism”, and was involved with the CCF and early NDP until Tommy Douglas sided with the Liberals against Diefenbaker.[21] Grant saw some form of socialism as the only way to politically resist technology: “After 1940, nationalism had to go hand in hand with some measure of socialism.”[22]  The Conservative Party had been willing to do this in the past, and Grant often pointed to an “older Canadian conservatism, which had used the public power to achieve national purposes. The Conservative party had, after all, created Ontario Hydro, the C.N.R., the Bank of Canada, and the C.B.C.”[23]  He also rejected social libertinism with its view that you are at liberty to do whatever you want “as long as it doesn’t hurt anyone”. Indeed, these two forms of liberalism are joined at the hip: “To put it at its crudest: if I want to do it with a girl or a boy or an animal, there is an identical Holiday Inn everywhere in North America for me to do it in.”[24]

            The adjective “identical” draws out Grant’s related point, taken from the famous Strauss-Kojeve, that liberalism and technology are homogenizing. Local or national traditions get in the way of sleek technological efficiency and must be bulldozed over by progress.[25] While in Lament for a Nation Grant suggests that Canada will be assimilated to America (a prospect that seems dubious at this point), his later writings reflect a more plausible view that Canada will be culturally assimilated into a “universal homogeneous state.” Today, this is popularly called globalization. But this is an anthropological catastrophe: If all local loyalties melt into a universal technological state where I am free to do as I please, I can never learn self-denial, I can never learn how to love what is my own, and I am ultimately impeded from finding God.

            There is no way to “contain” technology to prevent this from happening; Grant rejects as nonsense the view that “the computer does not impose on us the ways it should be used” because a certain liberal-technological society is a necessary precondition for computers to exist at all.[26] Further, the genuine benefits of technology, particularly in the medical realm, make it morally impossible to adopt a Luddite approach and abandon the use of technology altogether.[27]

            But this unfortunately means that technology’s liberalizing effects are inevitable, and a conservative country like Canada cannot survive it. But just because something happens of necessity does not make it a good thing. The necessary is not the same as the good, and the Cross shows us that we cannot discern what God’s will is from looking at history, since in the Cross the Good falsely seems to be defeated.[28] This is why Grant urges us to look at time and history, not as the ultimate reality, but, with Plato, as “a moving image of an unmoving eternity.”

            In 1970, Grant was severely injured in a car accident in which he lost several teeth, yet another unfortunate brush with technology, and suffered from the effects of it for the rest of his life. When Grant became active with the New Left in protesting the Vietnam War (a prime example of ruthless technological rationality), he explained in speeches that the purpose of these protests was not to stop the inevitable march of history but to ensure people still recognized that there was such a thing as truth. In other words, while history may be bleakly deterministic, individuals can still break free of its deleterious effects.

            After the Vietnam protests, his attention turned towards abortion and euthanasia, the ultimate examples of “the triumph of the will” (the Nazi allusion by Grant was deliberate) where technology and desire for “freedom” trumps the Good.[29] The N.D.P.’s support of abortion was why Grant never supported them again despite liking their economic policies; this issue was so important to him that he reportedly voted for Brian Mulroney, even though Mulroney (with his free trade deals and duets with President Reagan) seemed to represent the ultimate Canadian capitulation to capitalism and America, because the P.C.s were stronger against abortion.[30]

            Grant realized that liberalism could only be refuted by “remembering”. He refers in Lament to those local authorities powerless to resist technology as “small-town politicians who remembered.”[31] This seems to have a dual meaning, referring both to “remembering” the Canada of yesteryear and to a deeper, Platonic anamnesis. In a moving recollection, Grant recounts how a friend of his who knew he was dying remarked that “I do not accept Nietzsche.” Grant recognized that this comment was not a refutation of Nietzsche, but instead was a deeply expression of gratitude for “his good fortune in having partaken in a tradition of reverence.” This, Grant said, was what he meant by “remembering.”[32]

            At the time of his death in 1988, Grant was planning to write a defence of Plato against Heidegger.[33] He was buried in the Anglican churchyard of Terence Bay, Nova Scotia, by a rocky seashore with an “austere and unchanging beauty [that] became for him an image of the timeless: a holy place.” His grave marker bears as an epitaph a quote from Augustine: “Out of the shadows and the imaginings into the truth.”[34]

Where Grant is Correct

            Though Grant did not see himself as primarily a political philosopher, his political and historical insights have proved generally reliable. While he may have wrongly anticipated a formal political absorption of Canada into the U.S. in 1965 (a position he qualified in later works such as Technology and Empire), his prescient concerns about global liberal homogenization anticipated Fukuyama, Jihad vs. McWorld, The World is Flat, and similar analyses. In a moment when certain governments and corporate actors deliberate over banning or restricting TikTok, WeChat, Parler, and Huawei, Grant’s recognition that technology is not neutral but political also seems sharper than ever.

            Moreover, while Canada may not be culturally identical to the States, a brief conversation with almost any Canadian will reveal that they likely know far more about (and are far more invested in) American politics and culture than their local equivalents, and, significantly, that most Canadians think in exactly the kinds of liberal terms that Grant identified. One would be hard-pressed find a better example of looking to history rather than eternity for guidance than Justin Trudeau justifying his gender-balanced cabinet with a flippant “because it’s 2015”. Further, just as in Grant’s day, the N.D.P. have largely failed to be any kind of effective check on the Liberals (witness how Jagmeet Singh refused to work with Andrew Scheer to overthrow Trudeau’s government). Further, Grant’s unsympathetic description of the cocktail party Canadian elites who disparaged Diefenbaker and cheerfully handed over sovereignty seems uncannily like what John Ibbitson later called “the Laurentian consensus”.

            Grant’s criticisms of the Conservative Party of his day also remain valuable. The entire second chapter of Lament for a Nation is taken up with lambasting Diefenbaker for his various failures, and it would behoove Conservatives today to study the failures Grant identifies. One is that the anti-intellectual Diefenbaker did not draw on Conservative historians like Donald Creighton in forming his vision of Canada; another is that he only recognized an American-style concept of individual rights (which lends itself better to individuals being absorbed by wider homogeneities), rather than acknowledging the group rights that French Canadians demanded and for which Canada was founded. Finally, Diefenbaker was enthusiastic about capitalism, a system which is inherently destructive to religious conservatism. All of this has a familiar ring today.

            In some ways, Grant’s thesis can be extended to extend to relationships within Canada. Western nationalists and Indigenous peoples alike feel colonized by Ottawa (these interests sometimes converge, as in the Red River Rebellion), and Maritime literature also contains themes of wistfully hanging on to an older traditional culture despite the pull towards urban modernity coming from places like Toronto. One argument could be that this undermines Grant’s main argument—why exactly would someone in the prairies want to suffer under a national tariff for the sake of preserving a national culture with Ottawa at the helm?[35]—but it is again worth remembering that Grant’s example of Canadian nationalism is Diefenbaker, a Saskatchewan populist who nevertheless wholeheartedly believed in the Canadian project.

            In a time when the national conversation is in the grip of the progressivist secularism that Grant described, his incisive critique of liberalism is indispensable for making sense of how our nation got here. The news nearly every day is filled with confirmations of his thesis. He also gives us insight into a way of doing politics which recognizes that ultimate human good is transcendent and is found in God. Alluding to 1 Peter 1:8, Grant stated that “whether we live at the end of the world or at the dawn of a golden age or neither, it still counts absolutely to each one of us that in and through the beauty and anguish, the good and evil of the world, we come in freedom upon the joy unspeakable.”[36] Grant is sometimes contrasted against right-wing religious fundamentalists like Ted Byfield, but while Grant espoused a different economic perspective, the gap between them is probably exaggerated. One of the people to whom Grant dedicated Lament for a Nation was Derek Bedson, a friend of Byfield’s and a board member of the St. John’s Cathedral Boys’ School that Byfield had co-founded.[37]

            In the realm of Religious Studies, Grant was captivated by the person of Jesus Christ, and while Grant did not remain a dogmatic pacifist later in life, Jesus’ refusal to call on legions of angels in Gethsemane was the source of his lifelong attraction to nonviolence.[38] He was willing to take the Bible seriously to the extent that he critiqued Northrop Frye’s book on the Bible’s literary influence, The Great Code, for adopting a modernistic hermeneutic which Grant believed would have been completely alien to the authors of Scripture.[39]  Similarly, he criticized his McMaster colleague E.P. Sanders (best known as one of the founders of “the New Perspective on Paul”) for trafficking in what Grant called “museum culture”, not seeing the Scriptures as a living and vital reality today but as a collection of artifacts to be studied with detachment.[40] He was not willing to compromise his religious beliefs to fit into modern assumptions, even admitting he took it “as a fact” that St. Francis received the stigmata.[41] To this extent, both his theology and political thought anticipates (and has been acknowledged as a forerunner of) theological movements like Radical Orthodoxy.[42]

            Finally, he recognized the importance of the church as the locus of our salvation. A book on the history of an Anglican community in Dundas prompts him to reflect, “Raising money for a parish hall may not be sensational but it is the very stuff of the kingdom of heaven. It is ultimately what gives the world its richness, far more than battles or political rivalries.”[43] He loved the liturgy and often asked those who would criticize it from a low church perspective, “Have you worn the robes?”[44] There was something about the experience of liturgy which justified itself, perhaps because it allows us, to use Grant’s word again, to “remember.”

Where Grant Fails

            Since Grant’s project is intended to be thoroughly Christian, it must be assessed theologically. When we do this, we find that Grant was, by the standards of orthodox Christianity, a heretic. However, what we find is that his failures do not undermine his thought overall; in the ultimate compliment to them, he is wrong because he ultimately fails to be consistent with his own philosophy.

            Grant was a self-professed Gnostic (largely due to the influence of Simone Weil). He denied creation ex nihilo and thus, with the Manicheans, saw the world as inherently evil: “[I]n my view of life, the world is eternal, not created, and tyranny is a danger coeval with the world, with man, as cancer is a danger coeval with man.”[45] This is why he is able to abandon history altogether in favour of ahistorical mysticism.

            But because he rejects history, on some level, this means he must diminish Christ, Whose saving action, as the Creed proclaims (“under Pontius Pilate”), was within while also transcending history. Because history is entirely sidelined, rather than pointing to the historical Christ event as the axis of salvation, Grant sees human fulfilment instead in a universal mystical experience of love. This is why he was drawn to Indian philosophy, to the point where he half-jokingly said he belonged to “the Hindu wing of Christianity.”[46]

            It begins to emerge that Grant is a classical pagan thinker more than a Christian one. He recognized that “[w]hat has come into the tradition between classical philosophy and modern philosophy is Biblical religion in its Christian form,” as Hegel apprehended,[47] and as Biblical religion was to some degree responsible for technological liberalism, Grant finally elected to adopt a classical perspective, albeit wearing Christian liturgical robes.  Naturally, this affects the way he reads the Bible, with its record of salvation history beginning with creation. When confronted with this tension, one must either adjust the Bible to fit into classical philosophy or vice versa. The Church Fathers, as Jean Daniélou showed, moved away from Platonic suspicion of time into a recognition of the historicity of God’s saving action.[48]

            Grant treats this historicization of Christianity as a kind of intrusion into the Church, but he is not consistent here. On the one hand, he admits the Old Testament is historical, but elsewhere he blames this on the inclusion of Aristotle’s thought into Christian theology. Yet elsewhere still he blames Augustine, who he sees as misguidedly trying to make sense of the fall of Rome by developing a historical theology. He even bizarrely suggests that Christianity only started defining “itself as essentially a Semitic religion” with Augustine, a claim that can be dispelled immediately upon glancing at the New Testament or Ante-Nicene Fathers.[49] Yet Augustine was, if anything, a Christian Platonist, and Aristotle’s thought did not claim widespread influence on Christianity until the 13th century when the Arabic preservation of his work became known to the West and Thomas Aquinas began incorporating elements from it. All of these seem like vain attempts to squeeze Christianity out of its historical mould, which cannot be done without collapsing it into another religion.

            Rejecting the patristic acceptance of salvation history, Grant instead evinces sympathy for an Alexandrian-style allegorization of the Scriptures, particularly the Old Testament, which he said presented what “seems to me in many ways a very dangerous and unspiritual and false religion” (Weil’s influence yet again). Echoes of this can be heard in later Radical Orthodox thinkers like Milbank and Hart, who also suggest that the Old Testament contains compromised and even demonic content.[50] As high as Grant’s view of the liturgy is, this de-historicization also complicates his understanding of Christian liturgy. He seems to suggest (following the perennialist thought of Mircae Eliade) that the replication of Calvary in the Eucharist is an example of a universal human religious effort to escape temporal history into an eternal “sacred time”. Daniélou, however, would likely identify this idea as a classical form of allegorization, in contrast to the Christian patristic and “typological” view of the liturgy in which it made the historical events of salvation history contemporary and present to contemporary worshippers.[51]

            In rejecting a religion where God acts in history, Grant denies that God’s will can be discerned in any way within history. This extends even to seeming to deny that God’s will can be seen in the Resurrection and can only be recognized in the failures and defeats of history.  His poem “Good Friday” contains these lines:

Look it is here at death, not three days later,
The love that binds the granite into being,
Here the sea’s blueness finds its true creator,
His glance on Golgotha our sun for seeing.[52] (emphasis added)

            This in turn seems to mean that grace cannot be operative within history, which affects his eschatology and his sense of where history is heading. (This is not to suggest that Grant thought no good could happen in history, which he affirmed,[53] but that he did not recognize history itself as revealing God’s grace.) In some ways, his bleak predictions are close to the Biblical apocalyptic predictions of the end of history. However, Augustinian amillennialism would hold that the Church continues to exist and have victories until the end of time alongside the decline of history into the regime of the Antichrist and the Tribulation. Grant, however, has made no provision for this. His eschatology, in turn, affects his ecclesiology.

The Church and George Grant

            While Grant was a devout churchman, seeing the church as the place where human salvation occurred, he does not seem to view it as an effective agent of grace within history. Part of this may have been due to his disappointment with Anglicanism. While he said Anglicanism contained “some [remnants] of the ancient truth and therefore I will live within it,” the influence of Pierre Berton’s critique of the Anglican Church of Canada, The Comfortable Pew (a book Grant viewed as too shallow to even bother responding to) on its clerics and primates left him thoroughly discouraged about his own communion.[54] Notably, Lament for a Nation opens by recounting that his own parish offered a prayer implicitly asking for Pearson’s victory the Sunday before the 1963 election.[55] Grant did not see the Anglican Church effectively resisting technological liberalism.

            While he admired much about Catholicism, he was not much more hopeful about the Catholic Church. He pointed out that Kennedy, the president leading the technological colonization of Canada, was a Roman Catholic.[56] This meant that Quebec’s prospects of hanging onto its Franco-Catholic civilization were dubious—reservations that seemed borne out by the Quiet Revolution during Grant’s lifetime. He also regarded the work of prominent Catholic theologians like John Courtenay Murray, Karl Rahner, and Teilhard de Chardin as a capitulation to modern liberalism. “Flattery of the spirit of the age has become the chief end of contemporary North American theology,” he observed mournfully. “What an age to flatter!”[57]

            But what this left was an entirely individualistic salvation. Grant once remarked that his trouble was “that I am a true Lutheran in that I seek out my own personal salvation and don’t try to affect others.”[58] But perhaps this is less Lutheran and more Gnostic. Harold Bloom famously diagnosed America’s unofficial religion as being Gnosticism, an individualistic pursuit of inner light and personal divinity.[59] Grant, the self-identified Gnostic, also seems to fit into this category. Ironically, the chief anti-American Canadian nationalist’s fatal flaw may have been that he was too American.

            Grant’s dubiousness about the Church because so many of its members have succumbed to technological liberalism also smacks of the heresy of Donatism, which held that the Church only consisted of those who were truly “pure.” Augustine, however, recognized with Scripture that the Church is a “mixed multitude”, but that Christ’s promise that it would nevertheless withstand the gates of Hell would never be broken (Matthew 16:18). Further, the Bible foresees the Church “growing” throughout history (Ephesians 4:11-13) yet without fundamentally changing. This is how John Henry Newman could recognize a development, but not an evolution, of doctrine within the Church: Doctrine simultaneously expresses eternal truths in contingent historical language (which is why multiple ecumenical councils had to be held to refine the Church’s understanding of the Incarnation).

            Grant’s unwillingness to recognize historicity severely impairs him in various areas. For example, he sadly pronounces that natural law is no longer intellectually convincing in the modern world,[60] but the definition he offers of classical law is entirely classical, not Christian, and does not take into account contemporary accounts of natural law such as the New Natural Law Theory of John Finnis.[61] The recognition that something can be both eternally rooted and also historically develop—a paradox on display in the Incarnation of the eternal Son as a growing but perfect human being from Nazareth—eludes Grant entirely.

            Without the Church, all that is left to Grant as an agent to withstand technology is the state. This is why he is drawn to socialism. Yet the Church also shows ways to collectively use and even resist technology rather than be used by it in her ascetic practices and by ways of communal living that resist technological individualization, whether that is in the co-operative movement of Moses Coady in Canada, the Mondragon Corporation, groups like Dorothy Day’s Catholic Worker movement, the secular institutes, the “appropriate technology” of E.F. Schumacher, or Pope Francis calling the world to an “ecological conversion.” This is a model of communitarianism that resists technologization much more effectively than the bureaucratic technocracy of government.

Platonic Canada

            For as much as Grant identifies as a Platonist, his view of nationhood is curiously removed from that. He views Canada entirely as a historical project, one that was doomed to failure, in a sense, since its inception. Yet this is not the way that other Tory Platonists have conceived of nationhood. Traditionally, they have recognized that a nation has two components: Its historical, political, and often disappointing existence, and its ideal, aspirational, Platonic existence, the soul that survives the injuries to the body.

            Coleridge distinguished between the “spiritual, Platonic old England” of Shakespeare, Milton, Smith, Wordsworth, and other luminaries, and “commercial Great Britain” with figures like Darwin and Hume as its representatives.[62] Similarly, C.S. Lewis’ fiction distinguishes between Logres, the ideal, spiritualized England of Arthurian legend (now subsisting only in a small community) and historical Britain, which is “haunted” by Logres:

            “Haven’t you noticed that we are two countries? After every Arthur, a Mordred; behind ever Milton, a Cromwell: a nation of poets, a nation of shopkeepers: the home of Sidney––and of Cecil Rhodes. Is it any wonder they call us hypocrites? But what they mistake for hypocrisy is really the struggle between Logres and Britain.”[63]

            The Welsh poet and Anglican priest, R.S. Thomas, who, in an analogy to Grant, felt that Wales with its traditional rural and mystical society was being absorbed by urban English colonialism, referred to (and depicted in his poetry) “the true Wales of my imagination”, a Welsh-speaking country in touch with nature which was not yet destroyed by the English “Machine” that had attracted so many Welshmen.[64] Similarly, Claus von Stauffenberg, the failed assassin of Adolf Hitler, was a member of Stefan George’s circle of spiritual aristocrats committed to a mystical, traditional ideal of Germany and resisted the technological tyranny of the Nazis. As he was executed, he cried out “long live sacred Germany!”, or possibly “long live secret Germany!”, in reference to this ideal.[65]

            But Grant does not seem to recognize any sort of “Platonic Canada”. Instead, Canada is entirely a historical project, which means it is a project that can fail and is failing. This seems at odds with his supposed classicism. He explains in Philosophy in the Mass Age that, while moderns might see the most important issues in our world being political topics like who controls nuclear weapons, since they see history as the highest reality, the ancients would recognize that the important things are eternal. Yet, in castigating those who failed to preserve Canada—those who held the reins of power and misused them—Grant seems to be thinking entirely like a modern, seeing historical actors as being in control of penultimate human goods.

            Even more striking is the fact that Grant seems to recognize that Canada, the historical project, was always destined to fail, and, in a sense, never even really existed. He admits that Canada began life as a capitalistic venture and that most of Canada’s founders were not true conservatives; their worldview was “straight Locke with a dash of Anglicanism.”[66] This means that the Canada he laments was never a full historical reality, but only ever an ideal. But, as a Platonist, this should not be a problem: Canada is, literally, an Ideal, which will survive the vagaries and nonsense of the Heraclitean flow of history. This is also important for defending Canadian patriotism in an age when the historical crimes of the nation are better known that ever due to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission reports. When we affirm our loyalty to Canada, a sense of “Platonic Canada” over and above (though not completely separate from) the soiled legacy of historical Canada should be at the forefront of our minds.

Conclusion

            Grant may have been a heretic, but his heresy simply meant he did not fully live up to the greatness of his own thought, and his penetrating insights in spite of these failings make him something like a modern equivalent to Tertullian or Origen: Not quite orthodox enough to be a Church Father, but certainly an essential ecclesiastical writer for others to study and build upon. Despite his discomfort with the Old Testament, Grant was something like a Hebrew prophet calling the people away from technological idolatry.

            Sadly for Canada, Grant’s core ideas seem to have taken deeper root elsewhere than in Canada. In the U.K., “Red Toryism” is a viable political option alongside the similar “Blue Labour”, and the counsel of a Grantian thinker like Milbank influenced Prime Minister David Cameron’s rhetoric of the “Big Society.” Meanwhile, in Canada, “Red Tory” has devolved into a slur against Conservatives who “aren’t Conservative enough”, often referring to socially liberal but economically right-leaning Tories—nearly the exact opposite of its original meaning.

            Political conversations in Canada, unlike in other countries, are thus drearily superficial, governed entirely by the spirit of the age and without the necessary theological voices calling, not simply for a return to the Christian culture of yesteryear, but a deeper return to the classical and patristic sources of our civilization. Grant gives us a suggestion of what those voices could sound like and what our national debates could become. Christians should therefore (critically) study his thought with an eye towards discerning how to continue his work in today’s not-too-dissimilar world.

[1] Collected Works of George Grant, Volume 2: 1951-1959 (henceforth Works 2), edited by Arthur Davis, University of Toronto Press, 2002, 313.

[2] William Christian, George Grant: A Biography, University of Toronto Press, 1993, 335.

[3] Horowitz coined the term “Red Tory” to “a philosopher who combines elements of socialism and toryism so thoroughly in a single integrated Weltanschauung that it is impossible to say that he is a proponent of either one as against the other” in his 1966 article “Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation”, in which he noted that Canadian politics had a “Tory touch” absent from its American counterpart. John Farthing, author of the defence of British-Canadian constitutional monarchism Freedom Wears a Crown, and Stephen Leacock, the popular Canadian humour writer. Grant himself was never fond of the label “Red Tory.” Ron Dart, Keepers of the Flame: Canadian Red Toryism, Fermentation Press, 2013.

[4] Collected Works of George Grant, Volume 3: 1960-1969 (henceforth Works 3), edited by Arthur Davis, University of Toronto Press, 2005, 329.

[5] Collected Works of George Grant, Volume 4: 1970-1988 (henceforth Works 4), University of Toronto Press, 2009, 232. Note that Grant excluded Edmund Burke from this list, noting that he was a Rockingham Whig who “did not depart from Locke in fundamental matters, except to surround his liberalism with a touch of romanticism” (Works 4, 231-232).

[6] Works 4, 566.

[7] Works 2, 167.

[8] Works 4, 358.

[9] Works 4, 569.

[10] Works 4, 358.

[11] Certain sections of Grant’s writings show the clear influence of Lewis.  For example, Technology and Justice contains an anecdote about Vilhjalmur Stefansson rebuking Grant for using allegedly “subjective” language such as “beautiful” to describe the natural terrain of Canada (39-40).  The way Grant recounts this is undoubtedly inspired by Lewis’ refutation of a textbook asserting that a waterfall could not “objectively” be called “sublime” (The Abolition of Man, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1943, 2-4). Ron Dart has called Grant “the C.S. Lewis of Canada” and recounts that Sheila Grant told him that the publication of The Abolition of Man significantly deepened Grant’s faith.

[12] Christian, 215, 416.

[13] Examples of this include his essays “The Paradox of Democratic Education,” “The Teaching Profession in an Expanding Economy,” and “Faith and the Multiversity,” an essay which has some similarities to the work of fellow Platonist Allan Bloom. Grant was also supporter of Catholic separate schools and was enthusiastic when Ontario Premier William Davis extended full funding to Catholic high schools; see “Religion and the State” and “Memorandum of the Anglican Bishops Concerning the Roman Catholic Hierarchy’s Brief on Education.”

[14] “At the end of [one seminar] I think I said [Grant] had turned Plato into an Anglican and he expressed surprise that I should find this an odd idea” (Kenneth Minogue, “Grant’s Technology and Justice: Between Philosophy and Prophecy”, in By Loving our Own: George Grant and the Legacy of Lament For a Nation, edited by Peter C. Emberley, McGill-Queen’s Press, 1990, 161). See also Bradley Jersak, The Platonic Christianity of George Grant: From the Cave to the Cross and Back With Simone Weil, doctoral thesis, Bangor University, 2012.

[15] Christian, 189-204

[16] Works 3, 326-327. Grant’s contention is well supported by the research of Robert W. Passfield, The Upper Canadian Anglican Tory Mind: A Cultural Fragment, Rock’s Mills Press, 2018. For Grant, the British character of Canada’s institutions was key, but he rejected the idea that this heritage only belongs to Anglo-Saxons; Diefenbaker was of German descent who was nevertheless committed to the British institutions of Canada; see his article “Diefenbaker: A Democrat in Theory and in Soul.”

[17] Works 3, 559.

[18] Works 3, 558.

[19] Works 4, 218.

[20] Works 3, 330. Grant’s understanding of technology as an ontology that changes the way people think—perhaps even changes human nature—places him firmly in a tradition of Canadian thinkers on technology that includes Harold Innis and his famous student, Marshall McLuhan, who, like Grant, was a low-church convert to a high-church tradition (in McLuhan’s case, Catholicism). Grant was aware of both these thinkers. He appreciated Innis but described him as “too much the secularized sceptic” to ask the important philosophical questions raised by his research, which hampered the usefulness of his writing (Works 4, 903-905). He has less regard for McLuhan, whom he also saw as failing to address the important issues: “One would be happier about the McLuhanite cult, if its members dealt with such questions” (Works 4, 47). In his personal correspondence, McLuhan also interpreted technology as being Luciferian in nature and described himself as being neither optimistic nor pessimistic, but “apocalyptic.” However, he did not see technology as inherently individualizing: Mechanical technology has this effect, but McLuhan believed digital technology was re-tribalizing.

[21] Christian, 241.

[22] Works 3, 287.

[23] Works 3, 286, 327.

[24] Works 4, 950. An example of Grant’s conservatism is seen in his conversation with the gay novelist Scott Symons in which he urged Symons to be celibate. Symons later explained that Grant argued that love between two men “is specifically impossible of completion, [and therefore] one must rise beyond it (because of it) to a condition of eternal love. In other words, the necessity of, and the failure of, homoerotic love creates eternal love…” (Christian, 335). Needless to say, this is not an argument that technological liberalism can make any sense out of.

[25] “[L]iberalism in its most unequivocal form (that is, untinged by memories of past traditions) includes not only the idea of universalism but also that of homogeneity.  The high rhetoric of democracy was used when the Doukhobors were ‘victimized’ under a French-Canadian Prime Minister” (Works 3, 339). We could also cite the way Indigenous children were subjected to cultural genocide in residential schools as an example of what Grant is talking about, and the title of Thomas King’s  The Inconvenient Indian: A Curious Account of Native People in North America (University of Minnesota Press, 2013) also highlights that First Nations culture—which is inseparable from its spirituality—has been seen as an impediment to technological progress.

[26] Works 4, 283-287.

[27] Works 2, 158.

[28] Harris Athanasiadis, George Grant and the Theology of the Cross: The Christian Foundations of His Thought, University of Toronto Press, 2001.

[29] Works 4, 726-735. Roberta Bayer, “George Parkin Grant on the Unthought Ontology of Abortion: Bringing the ‘Poisoned Cup to the Lips of Liberalism’,” Life and Learning XVI: The Proceedings  of  the  Sixteenth  University  Faculty  for  Life  Conference, 2006, 371-81.

[30] This anecdote was related by Mel Watkins of the NDP offshoot the Waffle in a panel discussion. “Still Lamenting a Nation?”, The Agenda With Steve Paikin, YouTube, January 18, 2011 (retrieved on August 19, 2020), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XshT34FIGLc.

[31] Works 3, 312.

[32] Works 4, 59.

[33] Ian H. Angus, George Grant’s Platonic Rejoinder to Heidegger: Contemporary Political Philosophy and the Question of Technology, University of Michigan, 1987.

[34] Christian, 170, 372.

[35] This is effectively Kim Campbell’s rebuttal to Grant: his vision of Canada was “quintessentially central Canadian” that was dismissive of the benefits of free trade on western Canada (On Loving Our Own, 75).

[36] Works 2, 164.

[37] Archives of Manitoba, https://pam.minisisinc.com/scripts/mwimain.dll/144/PAM_AUTHORITY/WEB_AUTH_DET_REP/HEADING%20%22Bedson,%20Derek%20Robert%20Campbell%22?SESSIONSEARCH (retrieved on August 19, 2020).

[38] Works 4, 556.

[39] Works 4, 906-910.

[40] Christian, 302-322.

[41] Works 4, 868.

[42] John Milbank has acknowledged Grant’s direct and indirect influence on his thought. Ron Dart, “George Grant and Radical Orthodoxy,” Clarion Journal, 2015 https://www.clarion-journal.com/files/george-grant-and-radical-orthodoxy.pdf (retrieved on August 19, 2020).

[43] Works 3, 222.

[44] Ron Dart, Athens and Jerusalem: George Grant’s Theology, Philosophy, and Politics, University of Toronto Press, 2006, 24.

[45] Works 3, 461. Notably, Grant did not believe in the devil, perhaps seeing it as redundant if evil is already inherent to creation (Works 4, 754).

[46] Sheila Grant, “Grant and the Theology of the Cross,” in George Grant and the Subversion of Modernity: Art, Philosophy, Religion, Politics and Education, edited by Arthur Davis, University of Toronto Press, 1996, 256. Consistent with this attraction to Hinduism (and to Heidegger, who proclaimed that “only a god can save us”), Grant admitted that he disliked the fact that Christianity had rejected polytheism. The connection between orthodox Christianity and a level of disenchantment with recognized by Grant, suggesting that accepting orthodox Christianity allows for slightly more tolerance of history, technology, and liberalism than Grant was open to.

[47] Works 3, 417.

[48] The Lord of History: Reflections on the Inner Meaning of History, Longmans, 1958.

[49] Works 3, 724.

[50] Works 2, 322-325.

[51] The Bible and the Liturgy, University of Notre Dame Press, 2002. Daniélou notes that the ancients used allegorization to deal with passages from poetry and mythology they found morally objectionable, somewhat like Grant’s relationship to the Old Testament. Grant’s explanation of Christian liturgy can, in itself, be read in a way consistent with the Church Fathers’ interpretation, but its immediate context as well as its broader context within Grant’s thought suggests something closer to classical allegorization.

[52] In another poem, “To Elizabeth,” he seems to further reject natural theology: “Even in spring the mark of the beast/Is written upon nature./Cruelty rides over the violet/Death is within the creature.” Works 2, 533-534.

[53] Works 4, 569.

[54] Ron Dart, George Grant and the Anglican Church of Canada: A 20th Century Prophet, Clarion Journal, 2014, https://www.clarion-journal.com/clarion_journal_of_spirit/2014/11/george-grant-and-the-anglican-church-of-canada-a-20th-century-prophet-ron-dart.html (retrieved on August 19, 2020).

[55] Works 3, 277.

[56] Works 3, 337.

[57] Works 3, 414.

[58] Athens and Jerusalem, 172.

[59] The American Religion: The Emergence of the Post-Christian Nation, Simon & Schuster, 1992.

[60] Chapters 3-4 of Philosophy in the Mass Age.

[61] Natural Law and Natural Rights, Oxford University Press, 2011.

[62]  Anima Poetæ: From the Unpublished Notebooks of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, William Heinemann, 1895, 151.

[63] That Hideous Strength, Scribner, 1996, 367.

[64] S.J. Perry, Chameleon Poet: R.S. Thomas and the Literary Tradition, Oxford University Press, 2013, 12.

[65] Ritchie Robertson, “George, Nietzsche, and Nazism,” in A Companion to the Works of Stefan George, edited by Jens Rickemann, Camden House, 2005, 201.

[66] Works 3, 523.

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Essentialism in Feminist Theology: Identity in Narrative and Nature https://cjscf.org/theology/essentialism-in-feminist-theology-identity-in-narrative-and-nature/ Wed, 04 Mar 2020 21:13:56 +0000 https://cjscf.org/?page_id=515  

ESSENTIALISM IN FEMINIST THEOLOGY: IDENTITY IN NARRATIVE AND NATURE

 

J. M. CALLAGHAN

 

 

Précis

            Theologian Serene Jones, the first female president of Union Theological Seminary, has stated that, “assumptions about what women are, and should be, are built into our theology and practices.”[1] A brief survey of two-thousand years of church history and the works of its theologians, reveals a tradition replete with claims about the female nature.[2] The vast bulk of Christian literature during this time has preserved what most perceive as a subordinate view of women. Contrast this with the conviction of the complete equality of women with men, the staple of feminist thought and theology. What is less clear however is, to what degree (if any) there is a difference between the female and the male essence. Those who continue to embrace the notion that biological and non-biological differences between women and men are not just socially constructed but are somehow partially natural, generally fall under the umbrella category of “essentialists.”

As such, this paper will explore revised and newly framed formulations of essentialist theology which attempt to discard old, outdated and restrictive claims about the female essence, in favor of strategic or “pragmatic essentialism,” which provides a structure of narrative for a woman’s identity.[3] For our purposes, this mode of essentialist speculation will be rooted in the Christian tradition and a synthesis of secular and theological thought. In this process we will examine some historical developments within feminist and gender theory that are relevant both to Christian theology and also for constructing a framework around the significance of “femaleness.” All of this will be used in an attempt to explain why many women and men still choose to embrace “universal” claims about sexed nature, which undoubtedly provides a sense of foundational narrative for our individual and communal lives.[4]

Introductory Remarks

Christian feminists have, over the past half-century, sought to bring their respective critiques and observations regarding society and culture into critical dialogue with the disciplines of theology and biblical studies.[5] In many respects, the general aims of secular and Christian feminists feature shared convictions about women’s equality and the need to address oppressive practices and ideas in the world at large. The immense diversity within feminist thought, however, inevitably leads to differences. These differences are more apparent for feminists who remain committed to the historic, Christian faith, because their starting point is fundamentally distinct from secular feminists. Thus, there is always a dialectical push and pull between the two. This relationship is put well in the following, “There is not only a unity of concerns between feminist and Christian voices in this journey, but also a persistent and fruitful tension between them.”[6] Elaine Storkey provides us with a more specific label, “biblical feminists,” which describes those whose epistemological foundation begins with an acceptance of the Hebrew and Christian scriptures as somehow revelatory in nature and as “authentic communication from God.”[7] Christian feminists who identify with some kind of biblical commitment are then, as a result, tasked with theologizing about what attention the bible gives to female existence and what it means to be a woman.

The Imago Dei that humankind reflects is on its own a subject for philosophical pontification concerning the nature of humanity. The character of the Genesis creation account is such that it predisposes the Judeo-Christian tradition towards an adherence to a doctrine of creation.[8] What is particularly relevant is not just that humanity is formed in the image of God, but that humanity is composed of female and male individuals, who both represent God in some fashion. The following quote illuminates more precisely the ambiguity that essentialist theology might attempt to elucidate;

That we are created male and female, and that this difference plays a large part in the central human tasks of “reproduction, nurturing, survival,” is indeed “beyond critical scrutiny.” But what that fixed point of reference signifies, is by no means beyond analysis.[9]

Feminism, Essentialism & Historical Development

            As alluded to earlier, feminist thinkers have been hesitant to embrace “difference,” as an appropriate term for the unique embodiment of men and women. Following the early women’s right’s movements, the goal of early feminism was to establish the “foundational, non negotiable premise that women and men are equal.”[10] This expanded beyond the suffrage movement to women’s opportunities in the workplace and in society at large. During this pivotal time, many held that “equal rights and opportunities could only be grounded in the presumption that women and men share the same nature.”[11] For there was an understandable concern about the danger of over-emphasizing or conceding to the existence of differences between men and women. More specifically, a primary concern here, was that an affirmation of a “natural female essence…potentially reinstates and reinforces the very abuses feminism intends to fight.”[12] In short, if one granted that women possessed an essential nature or a universal set of fixed characteristics, the inevitable result would be that fixed gender roles and attributes would be ascribed to all women, thus limiting the female experience. And even if one accepted the premise that there were differences between women and men, this emphasis on difference was altogether subjective, since one could just as easily make the case that the similarities between men and women far outweigh the differences.[13] Thus, many argued that any differences, whether actual or assumed, should be dismissed altogether so that women and men could interact as equals in daily life. But this solution was rejected by others. And so many began to argue that the answer to how the patriarchy “devalued” womanhood was “not to deny but to appreciate those differences.”[14] Some even began to argue that ignoring difference was just as much of an issue and was another method of erasing female existence. The point here being that, “Difference and equality were never intended to be at opposite poles.”[15]

            And so this brings us to both a divergence among feminist thinkers, but also a middle ground for others, where a “both/and” perspective was embraced.[16] Over decades of feminist discourse, a number of theoretical impasses would emerge, highlighting some not insignificant ideological breaks. One of the first, was the sex-gender distinction made by gender theorists such as Simone de Beauvoir, which we will review shortly. The second and related juncture was the constructivist-essentialist divide. A third question, which like the previous two, remains unresolved for many, has been whether or not there is a single male-female nature or dual natures.[17] All three of these points of contention persist in academia today and are of course deeply interrelated. Before we outline the basic critiques of essentialism, we need to delineate what exactly these criticisms are directed towards and so we will quickly define older forms of essentialism.

Pre-modern and Biological Essentialism

            The basic thrust of essentialism is the, “idea that a certain ‘essence’ defines the center of our identity as human beings and as men and women.”[18] This has typically translated to some notion of “fixed characteristics” for both genders, which are natural.[19] Additionally, these fixed attributes have been considered to explain why gendered roles are and should be both descriptive and prescriptive. This older or “pre-modern” essentialism is especially pertinent in a Christian context, because for most of history, and still for a great many Christians today, it has been viewed as normative for men and women. Typically, this involves defining womanhood and manhood with absolutized characteristics that are or should be true across cultural and societal lines.[20] Traditional forms of essentialist theology almost always translate to expectations within gender roles. Examples of this in Christian praxis might include; female exclusion from the clergy, male headship in marriage and general expectations about behavior, attire and sexuality.[21]

            Additionally, we have “biological essentialism,” which focuses on the natural differences (i.e. anatomical, physiological and hormonal etc.) between women and men and builds an essentialist paradigm in light of them.[22] For early feminists, this form of essentialism was still an acceptable fact of life. But as we will see next, many feminist thinkers would come to reject biological essentialism as well, due to its deterministic outlook.[23]

The Constructivist Account: A Critique of Essentialist Claims

Even before many of the historical dynamics described above had taken place, gender theorists were beginning to question the parameters of gender as a category. One of the major innovations was the sex-gender distinction, which accepted that sex was biological, but stressed that gender was social.[24] Thus, one can see how the idea of gender being constructed rather than inherent, quickly emerged once this distinction was made. Because humans are unstable beings with inescapable mutability, change in personality always occurs over the course of one’s life. Experiences and the environmental location in which we develop clearly play roles in shaping our identity. Therefore, in constructivism, “the body (sex) is raw material on which socially constructed mores (gender) inscribe themselves.”[25]

A number of pointed objections are then levied at essentialism and their validity should be well-taken. We’ll list just a few. Essentialism posits a “universal feminine,” which tends to be either abstract and undefinable or contingent upon the gender norms of each particular time period.[26] Essentialism presupposes the existence of binary categories such as sex/gender, male/female and culture/nature.[27] Likewise, feminists argue, due to concerns about a biologically based essentialism, that it “makes women’s historical subordination to men seem like a natural fact rather than a cultural product.”[28] While by no means exhaustively representative of the criticisms essentialism has been subjected to, these points do capture some of the primary observations which have undermined the legitimacy of essentialism as it pertains to human sex and gender. One further philosophical development must be addressed before we see how a recapitulated essentialism has escaped relegation to the intellectual basement.

The Postmodern Problem

            The complex and often vague philosophical term that is “postmodernism” carries a host of meanings with it. The postmodern claims relevant to a discussion of essentialism have primarily to do with “deconstruction.” Furthermore, for postmodern thinkers, “there are no essentials, no metanarratives, no overarching explanatory formulas.”[29] The implications of these propositions should be self-evident, especially for Christians who take the metanarrative of scripture as a frame of reference for reality. The notion of deconstruction provides another conundrum for our conceptualization of sex/gender, for postmodernists not only claim gender is constructed, but sex![30]

Responding to Constructivism & Postmodernism: Strategic Essentialisms

Where does this dizzying array of critiques leave someone with essentialist inclinations? One has to wonder if essentialism is even viable anymore given its historical impedimenta. Certainly among scholastics, to speak of essential female or male natures or immanence (to borrow Beauvoir’s language) or of a “basic feminine character structure,” has become uncommon, but not unheard of among feminist theorists.[31] An inherent feminine nature is “no longer orthodox,” and for many gender theorists especially, it is a “rather heretical view.”[32] But where there is heresy, there are also heretics and for many outside of the academic sphere, forms of essentialism are still embraced, unconsciously or consciously. While by far the minority within academia, a number of thinkers, both secular and religious, have postulated new approaches to essentialist paradigms.

The starting point for these voices is to acknowledge many of the criticisms aimed at pre-modern essentialism. There are a plethora of problems for an essentialist ideology or theology. At the same time there are some advantages, particularly from a Christian perspective. A starting point for a valuable essentialism takes place when it is a “representative metaphor entailing human agency and practice, rather than a realist retreat into a nature against which human beings are powerless.”[33] The worry about a kind of biological destiny is evident here. As such, too much emphasis on biology’s role in gender identity should be taken into account as well as a realization that men and women share many similarities and thus it might be more helpful to focus on similarities rather than differences, depending on the context.[34] However, the counter-response to concerns about “biology as destiny”[35] is a concern over a total denial of differences rooted in male-female bodies. And when it comes to theorizing about the natural differentiation between women and men, an essentialist “two-nature” theory does have some advantages as explained in the following;

Drawing from the account of creation in Genesis 2, the two-nature theory emphasizes the fact that men and women have very different bodies and reproductive tasks, but also more subtle differences. Men have more testosterone, women have more estrogen…The two-nature theory seems to explain some persistent patterns in human nature…The two nature-theory also takes account of the ways biological differences shape human lives.[36]

The single nature theory does emphasize the unity of human nature and reiterates that all faculties and abilities possessed by individuals are universal to women and men. At the same time, a shared human nature does not exhaust the unique “diversity” of embodiment for women and men. Thus, it is important to place these theories of human and sexed nature in dialectical reciprocity.[37] But beyond biology and its role in the female identity, recovering or rethinking essentialism has come in a number of forms. For example, while most feminist essentialists would reject motherhood or “mothering” as a manifestation of essentialism since not every woman chooses to have children and some cannot biologically produce children, it is still a feature of life for the majority of women around the world both historically and presently. But to speak of motherhood is not to speak universally but rather in generality, for it is a staple of most women’s lives. And to reject a very broad truth about existence simply because it is not true for every single individual is not helpful either. Take Wittgenstein’s concept of “family resemblance,” where he noted that members from any given family can share some “resemblance” without necessarily bearing all of the same qualities. In other words, general shared traits vs universal shared traits. Wittgenstein then applied this to words or conceptual categories, noting that the word “game” can refer to many activities that are vastly different. Thus, with this in mind, the words or categories, “motherhood” or “male/female,” can refer to broad characteristics shared within a certain category without universalizing particular aspects in a determinative manner.[38] Furthermore, even “for many radical feminists, the solution to such dichotomies lies not in women’s rejecting childbearing and child raising but rather in their regaining control of both…By retrieving motherhood on their own terms…”[39] This “retrieval” or reclamation of certain typically “feminine” associated experiences is precisely that. However, while some feminists have encouraged women to embrace and take back certain female identities, they have rejected any claim that an identity of one woman is normative for the next and thus prefer to speak in generalities. This means that, while feminists might acknowledge women’s unique experience as a nurturer, this does not exhaust or define the lives of all women, nor does it imply that men are any less capable of nurturing qualities. Thus as with feminist thinkers like Luce Irigaray, there is a call for the woman to free herself from the patriarchy and to “become herself,” while also embracing the beauty of difference between not just men and women but among all women too.[40] What emerges from this delicate balance is what has been coined as “strategic essentialism.”[41]

            While modern essentialists often end up in a very defensive posture, they have raised some critical points about the weaknesses of the constructivist account and postmodern philosophy. The most obvious response to social constructivism is that it makes us as humans mere byproducts of societal and environmental mores, which in some sense share deterministic parallels with biological destiny.[42] Additionally, essentialists protest that strong forms of constructivism can lead to relativistic outlooks where “standards” by which to describe female suffering and injustice disappear into a larger paradigm that ultimately disadvantages women.[43] Seemingly, both accounts present faults. But, while postmodernity is critical of constructivist and essentialist language, it offers only less ground to stand on, making it increasingly difficult to create narratives about who we are as humans and as men and women. Furthermore, the postmodern deconstruction of both sex and gender as categories contains a number of flaws. Postmodernists insightfully tell us that language (and thus the usage of terms like “essentials,” “sex” and “gender”) has limitations alongside its inherent power. For, “language constructs reality,” and there is a profound “instability of all categories.”[44] If this is the case, we then have to carefully reconsider and deconstruct how we’ve delineated these categories, including those of sex and gender.[45] Because language is limited and is also used to accumulate power, there should be a hermeneutic of suspicion directed towards its usage. This postmodern critique makes important observations, but its own logic must be applied upon itself.[46] Furthermore, while there is of course a deep value to deconstruction, particularly regarding universal claims that have to do with our day to day existence, at some point we need to construct meaning for our lives and our self-perception. Ultimately, the rejection of any kind of metanarrative, of even an abstract notion of the “universal feminine,” which for many people carries a great deal of significance, is what makes the postmodern deconstruction of sex and gender unhelpful for many. This is why, despite remarkable limitations, a theological narrative around the nature of sex/gender matters. Similarly, despite legitimate concerns about exaggerations promulgated by biological essentialism, postmodern deconstruction ultimately founders on the rock of biological reality. Consider the unique health challenges that men and women face, where for example, females but not males are at risk for cervical cancer. This is not a socially constructed reality and can be rooted in normative biological categories.

The Importance of Narrative and Nature

            Elaine Storkey gives us four paradigms from which to understand the biblical depiction of female-male existence, uniqueness and relations; difference, sameness/similarity, complementarity and union.[47] Each of these themes represents separate but interrelated aspects of our “essentialized” createdness in the image of God. Storkey highlights the connection between sameness and difference in the following:

As Christians, we understand that both men and women are created in God’s image, and that both are the subjects of redemption history. Thus men and women are fundamentally equal. Yet the Creator, whose appreciation of diversity vibrates throughout creation, made both men and women as human beings embodied differently and thus bound to experience the creation in certain unique ways. Accordingly, equality and diversity are at the heart of creation, and at the center of the human community.[48]

There is then a complementarity implied in the differences, at least biologically, in that reproduction requires specific contributions from each sex. And finally the differences and complementarity make the concept of “union” possible, given that union, as opposed to uniformity, requires differences coming together in a complementary manner.

Thus, we can see how the Genesis narrative captures all four of these paradigms. Creation begins with sameness before differentiation takes place. But shortly after, the complementary nature of reproduction and mutual partnership leads to unity. The concept of union necessitates a difference and what brings the differences together is the complementarity (not in the hierarchical sense).

            Many commentators have noted that in the Genesis creation account, humanity is only seen as wholly complete when both male and female are present.[49] A dismissal or misuse of the Genesis account loses sight of its theological and existential weight. For regardless of debates about historicity or interpretation, the story of Eve and Adam is the beginning of the Christian tradition and it carries with it the authoritative gravity of God’s creative designs for humanity. This means that while individuals will always form their own essentialist (or constructivist) identities, we must also define ourselves on a larger scale;

Individualistic solutions…cannot unravel the complexities of gender, for in the end gender is not about individual men and women but about the differences that emerge when men and women are in relationship in human communities. To understand and attempt to connect the injustice of gender relations, we must explore the dynamics of men and women in relationship with each other.[50]

Conclusion

            A theologically essentialist paradigm is grounded in the narrative of scripture with the diversity of humanity showcased in the added diversity among all women and all men. The distinctive features between the sexes and among the both sex groups are reasons to uphold and celebrate the ways in which attributes found in both men and women reflect God. Similarly, we can honor and recognize that, “Male and female are sexual categories and we experience much of our identity through our sexuality.”[51] An essentialist may contend, with many qualifications, that, “the female body carries meaning in and of itself, which is the ground for women’s identity and also potentially for women’s solidarity as a group.”[52] Essentialism based on narrative and collective identity, moves beyond individualistic and subjective ways of identifying, allowing women and men to enter into a larger story. This narrative, speaks of the radical equality, difference, similarity and createdness of human beings and highlights that we are more than mere byproducts of stardust, but also more than just our surroundings. To humbly embrace the distinctiveness endowed upon us by our Creator provides a foundation to build a purposeful life. And lastly it reminds us that;

Sustaining a dynamic dialogue between Christianity and feminism occurs when unique and distinct voices are not collapsed into one another. Preserving distinction when appropriate allows us to walk alongside those with whom we disagree, and it is this type of relation that the possibility of hearing a corrective voice or new word occurs. Often this means allowing the light of truth in feminist theory to perform the demanding work of chipping away at patriarchal traditions Christianity often inherits and generates. Equally important, it implies continually asking what light the revelation of God’s self in scripture, tradition and experience may bring to feminist theory.[53]

Bibliography

DallaValle, Nancy A. “Neither Idolatry Nor Iconoclasm: A Critical Essentialism for Catholic Feminist Theology.” Horizons 25, no 1 (Spring 1998): 23-42.

 

Japinga, Lynn. Feminism and Christianity: An Essential Guide. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1999.

 

Jones, Serene. Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2000.

 

Knoppers, Annelies, Margaret L. Koch, Douglas J. Schuurman and Helen M. Sterk. After Eden: Facing the Challenge of Gender Reconciliation edited by Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1993.

 

Leclerc, Diane. “Two Women Speaking “Woman”: The Strategic Essentialism of Luce Irigaray and Phoebe Palmer.” In Being Feminist, Being Christian: Essays from Academia edited by Allyson Jule and Bettina Tate Pedersen, (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006): 111-126.

 

Lindley, Susan Hill. “You Have Stept Out of Your Place.” A History of Women and Religion in America. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1996.

 

Maeckelberghe, Els. “Across the Generations in Feminist Theology: From Second to Third Wave Feminisms.” Feminist Theology 23, (January 2000): 63-69.

 

Powell, Elizabeth. “In Search of Bodily Perspective: A Study of Simone de Beauvoir and Luce Irigaray.” In Being Feminist, Being Christian: Essays from Academia edited by Allyson Jule and Bettina Tate Pedersen, (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006): 81-109.

 

Storkey, Elaine. Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2001.

 

Wittgenstein, Ludwig. Philosophische Untersuchungen. Revised Fourth Edition. Translated by G.E.M. Anscombe, P.M.S. Hacker and Joachim Schulte. West Sussex, UK: Blackwell Publishing, 2009.

 

 

 

[1] Serene Jones, Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace, (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2000), 23.

[2] French philosopher and feminist theorist Simone de Beauvoir made note of how women’s nature has been described both as inferior and as deficient. Beauvoir draws attention to the commentary on women found in Aristotelian literature and that of the great scholastic theologian, St. Thomas Aquinas as just two examples of deeply embedded negative perceptions about the “different,” and “lesser” nature of the female sex. St. Aquinas asserted that the woman was both an “imperfect man,” and an “incidental person.” See Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex translated by Judith Thurman, (New York, NY: Vintage Books, 2011), 5.

[3] Serene Jones, Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace, 44.

[4] By narrative, we mean, “story,” in which a certain paradigm or worldview provides us with both a map to navigate the world and concepts in which to relate to and build our personal and collective identities off of. For helpful works that delve into how story, narrative and mythology relate to reality and human consciousness see Stephen D. Crites, “The Narrative Quality of Experience,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 39, no. 3 (September 1971): 291-311.

[5] Feminist theology (which shouldn’t be interpreted as a uniform ideology with a singular set of systematic principles) as a modern school of thought or philosophy gained momentum following the work of Valerie Saiving and an article authored by her in 1960. See Valerie Saiving, “The Human Situation: A Feminine View,” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 28, no.1 (1960): 75-78. Subsequent early major Christian feminist thinkers in the 1960’s and afterwards included; Mary Daly, Rosemary Radford Ruether, Elizabeth Schüssler Fiorenza and Phyllis Trible. Feminist critiques of religion and Christianity also appeared in the 19th century and can be found within the works of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Margaret Fuller and Matilda Joslyn Gage. See Susan Hill. Lindley, “You Have Stept Out of Your Place.” A History of Women and Religion in America, (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1996), 275-297. Feminist responses to the Christian faith and its relation to women varied in both the 19th and 20th centuries. For an introduction to some of the basic concerns and issues raised by feminist theologians see Regina M. Bechtle, “Feminist Approaches to Theology,” The Way 27, no. 1 (April 1987): 124-131.

[6] Elizabeth Powell, “In Search of Bodily Perspective: A Study of Simone de Beauvoir and Luce Irigaray.” In Being Feminist, Being Christian: Essays from Academia edited by Allyson Jule and Bettina Tate Pedersen, (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006): 103.

[7] Elaine Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2001), 111-112. Storkey explains how the starting point of biblical femininsts functions distinctly from the primary feminist hermeneutic of experience in the following insightful comment; “…biblical feminists are at odds epistemologically with much of the rest of feminist theology, for they reject the primacy of women’s experience as the interpretive framework with which to approach the Bible. For them, although experience is crucially important, it cannot be the standpoint from which we understand reality. As authentic communication from God, the biblical text cannot simply be subject to women’s experience as some “higher order” that ultimately arbitrates over it. Women’s experience cannot have the last word, for experience itself has to be examined and understood. There has to be an intricate two-way relationship of experience and revelation, in which experience is seen in relation to God. Since the basis of human identity is given, created by God, not simply constructed out of the particulars of our world, we have to be prepared to allow the depths of God’s revelation to interpret us as we seek to understand our worth and calling before God.” (112).

[8] And because Christians uphold God as creator, there is already an element of “creation/nature” imbued into humanity and one could argue an essentialism in the Imago Dei that each individual inherently possesses. Elaine Storkey reiterates the relevance of this point to the creation-construction debate, “If we are brought into being by a Creator, and thereby dependent on that Creator for our existence, we have already come down on one side of the creation-construction debate. Yet, we can still hold that our sexuality is put into creation by God and recognize that our differences  might also be developmental and cultural. See Elaine Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, 97-98.

[9] Nancy A. Dallavalle, “Neither Idolatry nor Iconoclasm: A Critical Essentialism for Catholic Feminist Theology,” Horizons 25, no.1 (Spring 1998): 32. Here Dallavalle is quoting theologian and gender theorist Eileen Graham. See Eileen Graham, “Gender, Personhood and Theology,” Scottish Journal of Theology 48, (1995): 341-358.

[10] Susan Hill. Lindley, “You Have Stept Out of Your Place.” A History of Women and Religion in America, 426.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Diane Leclerc, “Two Women Speaking “Woman”: The Strategic Essentialism of Luce Irigaray and Phoebe Palmer,” In Being Feminist, Being Christian: Essays from Academia edited by Allyson Jule and Bettina Tate Pedersen, (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006): 112.

[13] “Far from being an expression of natural differences, exclusive gender identity is the suppression of natural similarities.” See Gayle Rubin, “The Traffic in Women: Notes on the ‘Political Economy’ of Sex,” in Toward an Anthropology of Women edited by R.R. Reitr (New York, NY: Monthly Review Press, 1975), 179-180.

[14] Lindley, “You Have Stept Out of Your Place.” A History of Women and Religion in America, 426.

[15] Margaret Koch, “A Cross-Cultural Critique of Western Feminism,” in After Eden: Facing the Challenge of Gender Reconciliation edited by Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen, (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1993), 104.

[16] Lindley, “You Have Stept Out of Your Place.” A History of Women and Religion in America, 426.

[17] Generally speaking, “Two explanations for the similarities and differences of men and women have emerged in psychological and religious literature. The first emphasizes the differences and claims that men and women actually have two different natures. The second emphasizes the similarities, arguing that men and women share the same nature and differ only in the biological structure and capacity of their bodies.” See Lynn Japinga, Feminism and Christianity: An Essential Guide, (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1999), 81.

[18] French philosopher Jean Joseph Goux places this in the category of “pre-modern” thought. See Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, 25-26. The term essence itself is rooted in Platonic philosophy, but has been redefined or re-articulated by many figures and schools of thought since antiquity.

[19] Ibid., 26.

[20] Serene Jones explains this kind of essentialism in the following. “The notion of universality highlights the all-pervasive scope of essentialist claims about women’s nature, namely the belief that features of womanhood cover women’s lives in every place, age, and culture without exception.” See Jones, Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace, 26.

[21] The “Danvers Statement,” published by CBMW (The Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood) is reflective of this traditional perspective. See https://cbmw.org/about/danvers-statement/. CBE International (Christian Biblical Egalitarians) represents a differing perspective on sex and gender roles amidst evangelical Christians. See https://www.cbeinternational.org/.

[22] Storkey acknowledges that, “It would be foolish to deny that biology plays a part in human relationships and sexual differentiation. Men and women are not only sexually different, they are different chromosomally, reproductively, anatomically, hormonally…” See Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, 28.

[23] In short, biology is not inevitable. Women and men cannot be reduced to simple products of biology.

[24] Simone de Beauvoir is credited with pioneering this distinction. More recent figures like Judith Butler have been critical in developing and promulgating gender theory and the notion of gender as “performative.” See Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, (Abingdon, UK: 1990).

[25] Elizabeth Powell,  “In Search of Bodily Perspective: A Study of Simone de Beauvoir and Luce Irigaray,” In Being Feminist, Being Christian: Essays from Academia edited by Allyson Jule and Bettina Tate Pedersen, (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006): 82.

[26] “The essentialist camp, in bringing the body back into feminist discussions, reifies it and so becomes a naive and ultimately destructive universalism.” The reification fallacy is when something immaterial is made material. Thus abstract essentialism which talks about a male or a female “essence.” See Elizabeth Powell, “In Search of Bodily Perspective: A Study of Simone de Beauvoir and Luce Irigaray,” In Being Feminist, Being Christian: Essays from Academia edited by Allyson Jule and Bettina Tate Pedersen, 91.

[27] Jones, Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace, 28.

[28] Ibid., 29.

[29] Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, 49.

[30] Ibid.

[31] Diane Leclerc,“Two Women Speaking “Woman”: The Strategic Essentialism of Luce Irigaray and Phoebe Palmer,” In Being Feminist, Being Christian: Essays from Academia edited by Allyson Jule and Bettina Tate Pedersen, 111.

[32] Ibid., 112.

[33] Here Storkey is quoting from the work of Elaine Graham. See Elaine Graham, Making the Difference: Gender, Personhood and Theology, (London, UK: Mowbray, 1995), 190.

[34] Especially from a theological perspective, feminists are keenly aware of the dangerous usage of “difference” language. Margaret Koch concurs that, “with the entry of sin into the world, differences were no longer simply an expression of God’s creativity and the basis for human mutuality. Since the Fall, difference has become the foundation on which we have built prejudice, discrimination and oppression…[Thus]…The ongoing misuse of difference to harm some groups and concentrate power in the hands of others gives feminists a realistic reason to be wary of any discussion of difference.” See Margaret Koch, “A Cross-Cultural Critique of Western Feminism,” in After Eden: Facing the Challenge of Gender Reconciliation edited by Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen, 101-102.

[35] See Inmaculada, de Melo‐Martín, “When Is Biology Destiny? Biological Determinism and Social Responsibility,Philosophy of Science. 70, no. 5 (2003): 1184–1194.

[36] Lynn Japinga, Feminism and Christianity: An Essential Guide, (Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1999), 82. Japinga also notes that single-nature theory, on the other hand, focuses primarily on Genesis 1, “asserting that human nature takes on one basic form rather than two. Men and women are far more alike than different and share the human characteristics of reason, emotion, body and spirit…Human beings are very diverse, but the differences are not divided neatly along gender lines” (82).

[37] Japinga points out that,“The single-nature theory also has its limitations. Its emphasis on sameness and equality tends to downplay the role of the body, making it little more than a vehicle for procreation. The body and sexuality affect all of human life, not just the procreation event; thus the single-nature theory may not pay enough attention to the differences men and women experiences regarding their bodies. [Additionally], The single-nature theory fails to adequately account for diversity, if it assumes that all human beings are the same… [Lastly], There is no single feminist opinion  about human nature. Some feminists emphasize the role of the body; others, the role of socialization.” See Lynn Japinga, Feminism and Christianity: An Essential Guide, 84.

[38] Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophische Untersuchungen, Revised Fourth Edition, translated by G.E.M. Anscombe, P.M.S. Hacker and Joachim Schulte, Revised Fourth Edition, (West Sussex, UK: Blackwell Publishing, 2009).

[39] Mary Stewart, “Western Feminism Since the 1960s: Lessons from the Present,” In After Eden: Facing the Challenge of Gender Reconciliation edited by Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen, (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1993), 58-59. See also Sara Ruddick, Maternal Thinking: Toward a Politics of Peace, (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989).

[40] Jones, Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace, 43.

[41] Jones adds that “strategic essentialism” has also been called “normative constructivism, pragmatic utopianism and pragmatic universalism.” See Jones, Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace, 44.

[42] Essentialists caution that “although constructivists defend agency, the logic of constructivism might lead to a cultural determinism eve more oppressive than the determinism of essentialism.” See Jones, Feminist Theory and Christian Theology: Cartographies of Grace, 41.

[43] Ibid.

[44] Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, 53-54.

[45]  “Its own commitment is deconstruction, the questioning and dismantling of all that we previously thought of as real. There are no boundaries to what can be deconstructed. We can include the past, the present, categorical explanations, concepts, language, meaning, sexuality, biology, sociology and theology. In the process of deconstruction, we discover that what were once thought of as “absolutes” are only particulars, and even the particulars can be seen through myriad different perspectives depending on the location of the perceiver.” See Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, 53.

[46] “Deconstruction seems to poise feminism on the edge of a relativistic humility that may undercut the entire feminist project.” See Margaret Koch, “A Cross-Cultural Critique of Western Feminism,” in After Eden: Facing the Challenge of Gender Reconciliation edited by Mary Stewart Van Leeuwen, 70-113.

[47] Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, 129-131.

[48] Margaret Koch, “A Cross-Cultural Critique of Western Feminism,” in After Eden: Facing the Challenge of Gender Reconciliation, 101.

[49] Helen Sterk, “Gender Relations and Narrative in a Reformed Church Setting,” in After Eden: Facing the Challenge of Gender Reconciliation, 212.

[50] Koch, “A Cross-Cultural Critique of Western Feminism,” in After Eden: Facing the Challenge of Gender Reconciliation, 103.

[51] Storkey, Origins of Difference: The Gender Debate Revisited, 28.

[52] Elizabeth Powell, “In Search of Bodily Perspective: A Study of Simone de Beauvoir and Luce Irigaray,” In Being Feminist, Being Christian: Essays from Academia, 82.

[53] Ibid., 103.

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“The Blood of the Covenant” According to the Gospel of Mark: Dialogical Reflections on Mark 14:24 https://cjscf.org/theology/the-blood-of-the-covenant-according-to-the-gospel-of-mark-dialogical-reflections-on-mark-1424/ Tue, 01 Nov 2016 19:17:00 +0000 https://journal.ccscf.org/?page_id=179 Christian A. Eberhart

Professor of Religious Studies and Chair, Department of Comparative Cultural Studies, University of Houston

Don Schweitzer

McDougald Professor of Theology, St. Andrew’s College, Saskatoon

 

Don Schweitzer: I teach theology at St. Andrew’s College, a theological college of The United Church of Canada in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. During fall and winter semesters, communion is celebrated in our chapel weekly, using grape juice instead of wine and gluten-free bread. As participants pass the communion elements to each other, few say, “The blood of Christ shed for you.” Most use terms like “The cup of blessing,” or “The cup of the new covenant.” Underlying this preference in terms, for some, is an aversion to the notion of substitutionary atonement, the idea that Jesus’ death was a sacrifice that obtains God’s forgiveness.

Mark 14:24 seems to explicitly identify the contents of the cup with Jesus’ blood: “He said to them, ‘This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many’.” This verse raises several questions. While the notion of covenant is very important in the Hebrew Bible, it does not seem to have been part of Jesus’ proclamation,[1] which focused on the coming of God’s reign. Yet according to Mark, the night before he died, at what appears to have been a farewell meal with his disciples, Jesus invoked this notion and linked it to his death. What does “covenant” mean here? Jesus, according to Mark, says that his “blood … is poured out for many.” Who are the “many?” What did Jesus’ death do for them? Did Jesus or does Mark interpret his death as a substitutionary sacrifice? All the accounts of Jesus’ last meal with his disciples “agree that with it he left behind for the disciples something that was of abiding importance.”[2] What does the gospel of Mark understand this something to be and what is its abiding significance? What meaning might it have today?

Christian Eberhart: The communion praxis of chapel worships at St. Andrew’s College is slightly different from that of Sunday worship at Christ the King Lutheran Church here in Houston, Texas, which my family and I attend. This church belongs to the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA) and follows a traditional style of worship. At this church, communion is also celebrated more or less weekly, yet the participants line up in the middle aisle of the sanctuary. They slowly move toward the altar area located in the center of the church building, where they kneel down. Then the officiating minister and his/her assistants distribute bread and offer either a common or an individual cup with wine or grape juice. While receiving the cup, the officiating minister or assistants usually says the words, “the blood of Christ shed for you.” Thus these words are similar to those that some participants say at St. Andrew’s College.

We may well ask why Christians of the United Church of Canada and of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America celebrate the same ritual with bread and wine and use similar words to accompany it. In fact, almost all Christian churches around the world celebrate this ritual. Its origins are found in the New Testament where we read that Jesus Christ had a last supper with his disciples before he died on the cross. So while the roots of this celebration are biblical, it is interesting that the exact words “the blood of Christ shed for you” are nowhere attested in the Bible. Here is an overview of the four New Testament passages, arranged in chronological order, that relate the words of Jesus spoken over the cup:

1 Corinthians 11:25: “This cup is the new covenant in my blood.”

Mark 14:24: “This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many.”

Matthew 26:28: “Drink from it, all of you, for this is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many for the forgiveness of sins.”

Luke 22:20: “This cup is the new covenant in my blood, which is poured out for you.”

We see that, according to these four texts, Jesus either speaks about the “cup” of the “new covenant” or about “my blood of the covenant.” All four passages employ the word “covenant;” the “abiding significance” of the ritual that Jesus instituted and of his words thus have to do with this specific term. What exactly the word “covenant” means is indeed a problem that all four texts present for the modern reader. Before summarizing basic parameters of covenant theology of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, I wonder and would like to ask you: Does the United Church of Canada, which deploys ‘covenant’ terminology rather often in its liturgical practice, offer any guidelines or biblical reflections on its meaning, or more generally on the meaning of Communion?

Don Schweitzer: The United Church of Canada was formed in 1925, through a union of the Congregationalist and Methodist churches of Canada, a majority of Canadian Presbyterians, and the Local Union Churches. It inherited long traditions of Christian and specifically Reformed and Methodist reflection on communion, but it does not have a long tradition of such reflection of its own. Article XVI of the United Church’s Basis of Union refers to baptism and the Lord’s Supper as “signs and seals of the covenant ratified in His [Jesus’] precious blood.” [3] The term ‘covenant’ has been and is used in communion prayers and words of distribution in United Church worship resources. In expounding Article XVI of the Basis of Union, Thomas Kilpatrick defined covenant as “the relation between God and His people, made in the pouring out of His love and life upon the Cross.”[4] In the United Church the term covenant is often used in this way, to describe the relationship between God and the church inaugurated in Jesus Christ, particularly through the saving significance of Jesus’ death, understood in light of his resurrection.

In the 1980s committed relationships between two people, two congregations, or one person or people and a community began to be described as covenant relationships and to be celebrated with covenanting services. A study of United Church worship practices described covenant as a relationship between two parties, preeminently between God and people, characterized by the commitment of each to the other.[5] As a guideline for understanding this term’s meaning, some United Church resources note the Jewish roots of Christian worship.[6] So in the United Church, the term covenant has been used to describe relationships established by God with humanity. The term “new covenant” refers specifically to that inaugurated through the ministry, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. In the past forty years or so, covenant has been used more generally to denote intentional relationships of mutual commitment and care between people.

The United Church follows the Protestant practice of describing communion as one of two sacraments through which Christ is uniquely and efficaciously present. Communion is frequently described in United Church materials as perpetuating “the fellowship between Christ and His disciples sealed in the upper room.”[7] Charlotte Caron has noted that in the United Church communion may be understood in eight ways: as a 1) remembrance of Christ, his ministry, death and resurrection, 2) celebration of this, 3) covenant between Christ and the church, 4) source of empowerment, 5) representation of atonement, 6) foretaste of the messianic banquet, 7) celebration and enactment of community, and 8) as a symbolic act of commitment to the public expression of values of justice and compassion as embodied in Jesus’ ministry, death and resurrection.[8] These meanings should not be seen as mutually exclusive, but as different aspects of the same sacrament. All may be present in one communion service. While United Church resources typically emphasize Christ being mystically present in the celebration of communion, these resources generally follow New Testament communion texts in recognizing its multiple meanings. As William Kervin notes, these texts feature a “convergence of a rich, if not bewildering, array of related but distinct traditions at work.”[9] He identifies seven such “biblically-rooted eucharistic meanings, categories and metaphors …: remembrance, church, thanksgiving, invocation, community, repentance, future anticipation.”[10] This polyvalence results from the Last Supper narratives bringing together “all that has gone before and all that is yet to come, reaching both backward and forward in the drama of the Gospel.”[11] Like the meals Jesus shared with known sinners, in the United Church today the Lord’s Table is typically open to any and all who believe in Jesus Christ. Yet as communion makes Jesus present and recalls his ministry, death and resurrection, it calls us to follow his way of the cross in seeking justice for the oppressed and reconciliation with our enemies and those we have harmed. To conclude, the United Church tends to focus the meaning of communion on Jesus Christ and the saving significance of his ministry, death and resurrection. But it recognizes that much of this builds upon traditions in the Hebrew Bible and includes the participation of Jesus’ followers.

Christian Eberhart: You describe the multifaceted way in which your denomination uses the two terms “covenant” and “new covenant.” In fact, in the Hebrew Bible and in Early Christian literature, these terms appear just in this fashion. To begin with, a “covenant” (Hebrew berith) is frequently mentioned in different Hebrew Bible narratives.[12] God establishes the first covenant with Noah and his family before the great Flood (Genesis 6:18). Thus Noah, his family, and all animals survive the Deluge which exterminates all other life on earth. (It may be noted that Noah is instructed to bring one pair of every animal species into the ark according to verses 19–20, but “seven pairs of all clean animals, the male and its mate; and a pair of the animals that are not clean, the male and its mate” according to Genesis 7:2. This difference can be seen as evidence that both texts belong to different Pentateuch sources that were combined later on.[13]) After the Flood, God said to Noah: “This is the sign of the covenant that I make between me and you and every living creature that is with you, for all future generations: I have set my bow in the clouds, and it shall be a sign of the covenant between me and the earth” (Genesis 9:12–13). Two related aspects are particularly noteworthy in this passage: First, the covenant is made not exclusively with Noah or, for that matter, with humans. It is explicitly stated that God establishes the covenant with “you and every living creature that is with you,” which even includes “the earth.” Hence this covenant is all-inclusive and conveys God’s promise to care for all of creation. It clearly refutes any anthropocentric interpretation which fails to respect other forms or expressions of life. And second, this covenant is established unilaterally. God speaks to Noah, who does not respond in any fashion.[14] This, however, fits the very characteristics of this covenant. If it is not only being established with Noah but with the entire world, then there indeed cannot be any response since Noah is unable to speak on behalf of the entire world. This covenant is, therefore, a one-sided promise or a self-imposed obligation of God to provide care of the earth and all of its life-forms.

God then establishes a covenant with Abram (soon to be called “Abraham”). Because Abram fears to remain childless, God promises that his descendants will be as numerous as the stars (Genesis 15:5). Abram believes in the divine promise, and it is “reckoned it to him as righteousness” (verse 6). He then performs a strange, archaic ritual that requires cutting animals in two; after sunset, a smoking “oven” and a flaming torch are said to have passed between these pieces (verses 10 and 17). This procedure is based on an ancient Akkadian magical ritual.[15] It might, at the same time, be mentioned in this narrative to explain the Hebrew terminology that a covenant is literally to be “cut” (karat). Genesis 17 repeats God’s promise; Abram is supposed to walk before God and be blameless (verse 1), is henceforth to be called “Abraham” (verse 5), and is to circumcise all male descendants as sign of the covenant (verses 9–14).[16]

The covenant with Noah and all of the earth, and the one with Abram / Abraham are indeed multifaceted. Yet they have in common that God counters existential fear and assures continuous life. After the deluge, when Noah is concerned whether such a catastrophe will happen again, God assures him – and the entire world with him – safety. Abram, on the other hand, fears that he, despite his economic success, will die without descendants; he fears the end of his lineage. In this situation, God assures him that an heir of his own flesh will be born. Thus covenants convey comfort and assurance; this is their “abiding significance.” They are also typically accompanied by a sign.

More important for our purpose, however, is the observation that Abram responds to God’s promise. We see here that most covenants in the Hebrew Bible require bilateral commitments. The covenanting parties might not be equivalent at all, but either party has a responsibility.[17] The template for this “vertical” covenant is found in the horizontal, secular sphere. Jan Christian Gertz explains that the concept of “covenant” originally belongs to the “highly-developed legal culture of the pre-Hellenistic ancient Near East”[18] where it was mostly used to designate international contractual connections.

Such bilateral commitments are specifically manifest in the covenant ceremony at Mt. Sinai. This covenant is of interest here because it is established, among other things, with blood. Moreover, this is the first covenant made not with an individual or all of the earth, but specifically with the people of Israel. After the exodus from Egypt, Moses leads the Israelites towards the Promised Land and arrives at Mt. Sinai where God resides. The bilateral commitment established here consists of two components: First, Moses reads from the “book of the covenant,” and the people promise to follow its ordinances (Exodus 24:7). Next, Moses takes blood of sacrificial animals, “sprinkled it on the people and said: See the blood of the covenant that Yhwh has made with you in accordance with all these words” (verse 8). What is the existential concern of this covenant? When the Israelites arrived at Mt. Sinai, they were considered profane and impure; moreover, the fact that various sets of laws and commandments for Israel were being issued and proclaimed (Exodus 20:1–21; 21:1–23:19; 24:7) points to a moral dimension of these covenantal obligations and the need of the definition of right/righteous versus wrong/sin. As a consequence, the Israelites were not allowed to approach the mountain where the holy God of Israel resides (Exodus 19:12–13). After the covenant comprising readings from the “book of the covenant” (24:7) and the ritual with the “blood of the covenant” (verse 8), they were considered holy. This is manifest in the peculiar fact that seventy representatives of the Israelites could climb up Mt. Sinai where indeed “they saw God, and they ate and drank” (24:11). Only an act of consecration could have prepared previously profane and impure/sinful humans to appear before God and even have a celebration. We see that this covenant was a complex process. I have recently summarized its structure and “effects” for the Israelites by the following table:[19]

The Covenant on Mount Sinai

Two Components “Book of the Covenant”           (Exodus 24:7) “Blood of the Covenant”                  (Exodus 24:8)
Precondition The Israelites are separate from God
 

Actions

Moses reads the book read it to the people; they accept the laws (Exodus 24:7) Sacrifices are offered; Moses sprinkled the blood on the people (Exodus 24:5–6 , 8)
Effects Impurity and sin are being eliminated;                                                   the Israelites are now holy (consecrated)
 

Consequences

The covenant between the Israelites and God is now established (Exodus 24:8);

the Israelites climb on Mt. Sinai to approach God; they see God and eat and drink in front of God (Exodus 24:9–11)

 

The “effect” of this covenantal ceremony is thus consecration; humans are made holy. The “effect” occurs both in the promise of obedience to ethical ordinances and through the sprinkling of sacrificial blood. How can the latter be explained?

The blood of humans and animals alike represents their life-force or vitality. This idea is commonplace in the ancient Near East. A few examples shall suffice: Most people in the ancient Near East cultures were nomads who frequently practiced animal slaughter by cutting an animal’s throat to drain its blood. Also in warfare, the idea of blood as life could be empirically verified through the observation that the loss of blood causes death. For that reason, this notion pervades ancient mythology. According to the Babylonian creation myth Enuma Eliš, humans are created from the blood of a slain god (6:33), and the Canaanite god El offers bread and “wine” to the goddess Anat; the latter is paraphrased as “blood of the grapevine.”[20] This idea is also expressed in the Hebrew Bible: Leviticus 17:11 states that “…as life, it is the blood that makes atonement.” It is important to know that atonement in the Hebrew Bible has nothing to do with punishment; it is rather a process of purification precisely through the life-force contained in blood. Thus the “blood of the covenant” at Mt. Sinai likewise purified the Israelites and consecrated them so that they were prepared for the approach of, and encounter with the holy God.

When, according to Mark 14:24, Jesus used the words “blood of the covenant” during the Last Supper, he could be certain that everybody recognized them as a quotation from the well-known Torah narrative of Mt. Sinai.[21] Jesus wanted these words to be understood just as the story in Exodus 24. And in a situation of existential fear that was not the least the result of the failure of his disciples, he wanted them to know that their status as beloved children of God would not cease because of his death, which could have been interpreted as an expression of divine judgment and the ultimate end of his mission. The cup of wine that Jesus shared with them was thus a sign of God’s unconditional love.[22] Its “effect” would have been like that at Mt. Sinai: humans who come into physical contact with blood – represented here by wine – are being consecrated.[23]

Was the covenant that Jesus established bilateral like the one at Mt. Sinai? There, the obligation of the Israelites was manifest in the readings of the “book of the covenant” and their subsequent promise of obedience. However, what would have been the obligation of the disciples in the context of the Last Supper? It is reduced to eating and drinking. This can barely be called a covenantal obligation.[24] Moreover, it is interesting to note that Jesus, while referencing the “blood of the covenant” from the narrative of Exodus 24, did not reference the “book of the covenant.” He replaced it with another sign, namely the sharing of the bread representing his body (Mark 14:22). Instead of imposing new ethical obligations, this sign reminded his disciples that he had come to nurture humans with God’s love, and that, during his life, meals were time and again focal points of acceptance and divine power. The covenant established by Jesus is, thus, rather a unilateral one, conveying the offer of God’s forgiveness.

Finally, the importance of this covenant cannot be underestimated, as it has been considered to epitomize the whole of the good news of Christ’s ministry, death and resurrection. What we usually call “New Testament” is actually the “new covenant” (kainē diathēke) in Greek. Therefore, the whole authoritative body of 27 early Christian writings is being subsumed under this term that Jesus employed during the Last Supper, which in turn is referenced from the Mosaic covenant at Mt. Sinai. The church later translated the Greek kainē diathēke as Latin novum testamentum – “New Testament.” It now uses terminology of a final, legal decree with an emphasis on unilateral provisions in favor of the heirs. As these reflections indicate, this is an apt summary of what Jesus had in mind.

Don Schweitzer: Let me try to summarize our discussion of Mark 14:24 so far. According to Mark, Jesus looked ahead to his imminent death while holding a symbolic meal with his inner circle of disciples. This verse speaks of how the cup of wine represents his death, which unilaterally inaugurates a new covenant. The words of this verse probably represent Mark’s redaction of an earlier tradition that stemmed from a ritual Jesus celebrated with his disciples in which he proclaimed that his death would be part of the basis of a new covenant. In Mark’s version of this, Jesus’ words over the cup take up the abysmal guilt and suffering associated with his crucifixion and yet proclaim these to be realities that have already been “anticipated and overcome.”[25] Here the saving significance of Jesus’ resurrection illuminates his cross and gives it salvific meaning. Jesus’ death remains the officially sanctioned execution of an unarmed prophet. Yet it also becomes a sign of God’s self-giving, unconditional love. Jesus’ words describe his cross and his preceding ministry as the basis of a new relationship to God, which will be fully realized in the coming of God’s reign. This counters his disciples’ fears and their subsequent guilt over abandoning him, and through this, empowers them to continue to follow him.

Mark 14:24 concludes with the words that Jesus’ blood is “poured out for many.” Who were these “many” in Jesus’ time? Who did Mark understand them to be?

Christian Eberhart: It is interesting that all disciples drank from the cup during the Last Supper (Mark 14:23), but then Jesus said that his blood would be poured out for many (verse 24). However, the Greek word for “many” is polloi, which means “a whole lot,” so it does not stand in sharp contrast to the term “all.” Yet the exact choice of terminology is most likely reflecting an earlier statement of Jesus about himself. Just before Jesus arrived in the city of Jerusalem, James and John, the sons Zebedee, ask him for privileged seats in his “glory” (Mark 10:37). They seem to be specifically interested in gaining status through following Jesus. But this kind of self-interest is not what the mission of Jesus is all about. Therefore Jesus replies that “the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve and give his life as a ransom for many” (Mark 10:45). Several scholars have rightly suggested that these words of Jesus reference passages from the Fourth Servant Song in Isaiah 53:10b–12 according to the Septuagint. According to these texts, God intends to “vindicate the just one who serves many well”; therefore the servant “will be the heir of many”, “has borne the sins of many and was handed over on account of their sins.”[26] The term “many” occurs three times in these lines and is thus highly characteristic of the Fourth Servant Song. So Jesus referred to this text from Isaiah to convey his own mission; later he also re-used some of its language during the Last Supper.

Who, indeed, could be the people for whom the blood of Jesus is poured out, hence who receive forgiveness of sins? While it is clear that Jesus strongly associated with outsiders and marginalized folks of his society, he did not exclude anybody who accepted his offer of redemption. In that sense, I think that the “many” at the time of Jesus were the same sort of community as those 40 years later when Mark finalized his Gospel account. They were all those who thirsted for salvation through Jesus and who, therefore, attended worship meetings and the celebration of Eucharist/Communion. Can we assume that all those who do the same today belong to those “many” as well?

Don Schweitzer: Yes, and then some. Jesus’ declaration concerning the saving significance of his death, regarding who is included in the covenant it renewed or inaugurated, is open-ended. Its field of meaning is broad, extending infinitely into the future and around the globe. Mark 14:25 indicates that the promise implicit in it will only be fulfilled with the coming of God’s reign.

Today the “many” of Mark 14:24 refers to those who gather to worship in Jesus’ name. Elizabeth Johnson relates how Augustine once told his congregation that in relation to their ancestors in the faith, they were the church of the future.[27] The disciples who gathered with Jesus for the last supper could never have foreseen the church of Augustine’s time, or the church of the present in all its varied forms around the globe. But in what Jesus did that night, and through the disciples’ faith in this, their memory of it and the way they lived this out, the foundations were laid for the church that exists today. Similarly we today, through our worship and discipleship, are helping build the church of the future that will come after us. The “many” for whom Jesus died includes all Christians who have gone before us, all who will come after us, and we ourselves.

But the “many” for whom Jesus consecrates himself includes more than those who worship in his name. The covenant that Jesus makes here is inaugurated unilaterally. It does not depend on our response, on our own righteousness, or even on our faith. It extends to all creation. The doctrine of justification by grace is not developed in Mark’s gospel with the clarity with which it is set forth in Paul’s letters, but it is present here in Jesus’ declaration of the saving significance of his death. Through Jesus’ death and resurrection, every person has been justified before God once and for all. From a Christian perspective every person’s relationship to God, to each other and to themselves is essentially determined by this.[28] The doctrine of justification by grace points towards universal salvation and every person is to be related to in light of this. As Christ consecrates himself in Mark 14:24 to the salvation of “many,” he consecrates all who worship in his name to responsibility for the well-being of all those for whom he died. Thus Christ’s words here commit his followers to an inclusive solidarity which has no limits. As Jesus is the way that Christians must follow, Christians are called and empowered by his teaching, example, and the saving significance of his death and resurrection, to care for all, regardless of who they are or what they have done, particularly for the suffering.[29]

Jesus’ public ministry “followed a particular direction in history … because that was what truly proclaiming the Reign of God demanded.”[30] This direction led to his death on the cross: a place of exclusion, vulnerability and denigration. The universal solidarity that faith in Jesus consecrates Christians to becomes concrete by following this trajectory through attending to the victims of society today. If one asks who are the “many” to whom this universal solidarity should be specifically directed today, several groups stand out. There are some, like the mentally differently abled, whom Jean Vanier called the wounded, or the economically poor, to whom this universal solidarity must always be preferentially directed. But today in the contexts of the United States and Canada we can name three groups specifically.

A first group to whom Jesus’ words direct Christian care and attention today are Syrian refugees, fleeing the chaotic violence that has engulfed their country. Their plight was tragically depicted through photographs of the body of toddler Alan Kurdi, washed up on a Turkish beach. Kurdi’s family had been hoping to join relatives in Canada. He, his brother and mother drowned September 2, 2015, in an attempt to reach Greece. Kurdi’s image became a symbol of the suffering of Syrian refugees and an indictment of Western indifference to their plight.

A second group are Black citizens of Canada and the United States. The shooting of unarmed Black citizens by police officers in the United States and evidence that Black Canadians are subject to harsh prejudice[31] necessitates that the solidarity inspired and empowered by celebration of the Eucharist be directed towards preserving the lives, dignity and opportunities of Black citizens in both countries.

Finally, in Canada, a third group are Aboriginal women. The number of missing and murdered Aboriginal women and the indifference towards their fate on the part of many Canadians is indicative of how Aboriginal women bear the brunt of prejudice, exclusion and denigration in Canada. They are among the “many” for whom Christ died and to whom solidarity must be particularly extended at this time.

In the library of St. Andrew’s College is a poster with the caption, “Refugees Welcome.” Refugees Welcome is an ad hoc network of organizations dedicated to seeking justice for refugees and displaced persons that came into being in response to Alan Kurdi’s death.[32] The St. Andrew’s College library is at the far end of the hall from the chapel where communion is celebrated. This poster symbolizes the solidarity that Jesus’ words in Mark 14:24 call for. Its location is representative of how the meaning of what communion celebrates reaches to the far corners of our worlds. The “many” of Mark 14:24 encompasses all those who recognize Jesus as the Christ, and includes all others as well.

Christian Eberhart: Your closing reflections on the meaning of the “many” today are an impressive testimony to the continuing relevance of the words that Jesus spoke over the Eucharistic cup according to Mark 14:24. In the previous paragraphs, we have analyzed them historically and in the context of the Bible. We also scrutinized the meaning of the accompanying rite with wine in light of early Jewish sacrificial rituals and covenant theology. Hopefully these paragraphs could demonstrate that neither the words spoken by Jesus nor the rite with the cup of wine have anything to do with what is usually understood as substitutionary atonement. They do not draw on any ancient type of punishment. Instead they refer to traditional Jewish covenant concepts, which usually established bilateral commitments between covenanting parties. The covenant at Mt. Sinai, in particular, had sacrificial atonement at its core. Based on blood rituals in the context of animal sacrifices, the “effect” of such atonement was purification and thus consecration of humans, who were made holy through the life-force that blood contained. Looking ahead to his imminent death, Jesus adopted this specific ancient tradition when he spoke of “my blood of the covenant” during the Last Supper (Mark 14:24). He thus inaugurated a unilateral covenant that conveyed the forgiveness of sins to those who participated in it, and the love of God. Thus God offers salvation to many humans in a promise that is still valid today and extends infinitely into the future. This promise applies specifically to those who suffer from rejection, exclusion, poverty, marginalization, etc., among them refugees, Black citizens, and Aboriginal women. Their existential fear is still taken serious by God who hears their cries of anguish and whose love and care does not cease even in hopeless situations. God still invites humans into a covenantal relationship of love today.

[1] Jürgen Becker, Jesus of Nazareth (New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1998), p. 341. However, Jesus’ proclamation of God’s coming reign did have covenantal aspects, in that those who received it were to respond by striving to live by the high moral standards of his ethical teachings.

[2] Gerd Theissen and Annette Merz, The Historical Jesus: A Comprehensive Guide (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998), p. 431.

[3] Thomas Buchanan Kilpatrick, Our Common Faith (Toronto: The United Church Publishing House; Ryerson Press, 1928), p. 192.

[4] Ibid., p. 193.

[5] Charlotte Caron, Eager for Worship (Toronto: The United Church of Canada, Division of Ministry, Personnel and Education, 2000), pp. 39–40. Caron specified that covenant theology “stresses God’s faithfulness and people’s response of faith;” ibid, p. 39.

[6] For example, Richard Davidson, “The Lord’s Supper,” in Ordered Liberty, edited by William Kervin (Toronto: United Church Publishing House, 2011), p. 204.

[7] Article X of the 1940 Statement of Faith. Quoted from John Dow, This Is Our Faith (Canada: The Board of Evangelism and Social Service, The United Church of Canada, 1943), p. 182.

[8] Caron, Eager for Worship, pp. 64–8.

[9] William Kervin, “Beyond the Last Supper: The Institution Narrative Revisited,” Touchstone 27/2 (May 2009), p. 28.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid., pp. 30–31.

[12] I need to mention that a comprehensive discussion of the theme “covenant” cannot be presented here. Specifically, I will only be able to study selected occurrences of this term; however, notions of covenantal agreements are also manifest wherever God declares to the Israelites or their representative: “I will take you as my people, and I will be your God” (Exodus 6:7; see also Leviticus 26:12; Jeremiah 7:23; 11:4, etc.). For a fuller treatment of this topic, see, e.g., Rolf Rendtorff, The Covenant Formula: An Exegetical and Theological Investigation, translated by Margaret Kohl (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998); Walter Groß, Zukunft für Israel: Alttestamentliche Bundeskonzepte und die aktuelle Debatte um den Neuen Bund, SBS 176 (Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1998); Udo Rüterswörden, “Die Liebe zu Gott im Deuteronomium,” in Die deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerke: Redaktions- und religionsge­schichtliche Perspektiven zur ‘Deuteronomismus’-Diskussion in Tora und Vorderen Propheten, edited by M. Witte et al., BZAW 365 (Berlin; New York: DeGruyter, 2006), pp. 229–38; Christoph Koch, Vertrag, Treueid und Bund: Studien zur Rezeption des altorientalischen Vertragsrechts im Deuteronomium und zur Ausbildung der Bundes­theologie im Alten Testament, BZAW 383 (Berlin; New York: DeGruyter, 2008); Robert D. Miller, Covenant and Grace in the Old Testament: Assyrian Propaganda and Israelite Faith, Perspectives on Hebrew Scriptures and its Context 16 (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias, 2012).

[13] Scholars usually assume that Genesis 6 belongs to the Priestly Source (P) while Genesis 7 was written by the Yahwist (J). Cf. E.A. Speiser, Genesis: Introduction, Translation, and Notes, Anchor Bible, vol. 1 (New Haven; London: Yale University Press, 1964), p. 52; Claus Westermann, Genesis 1–11, translated by John J. Scullion, Continental Commentary (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994), p. 428.

[14] Cf. Westermann, Genesis 1–11, p. 471.

[15] Cf. Speiser, Genesis, p. 113.

[16] An interesting question is whether or not all those who were circumcised were included in the covenant with God. Among the first to be circumcised was, in fact, Ishmael (Genesis 17:23–27), who was born to Abram from Hagar, the slave woman (16:15–16). However, the line of promise was continued through his second son Isaac. It is important to notice that many ancient Near East nations knew and practiced the custom of circumcision (Jeremiah 9:24–25). It was by no means unique to Israel or its ancestors; hence not every circumcised person was therefore a member of the covenant (Matthias Köckert, “Gottes ‘Bund’ mit Abraham und die ‘Erwählung’ Israels in Genesis 17,” in Covenant and Election in Exilic and Post-Exilic Judaism: Studies of the Sofja Kovalevskaja Research Group on Early Jewish Monotheism, vol. V, edited by Nathan MacDonald, FAT 2/79 [Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015, pp. 1–28], pp. 17–18).

[17] This is also what Steven D. Mason observes in his study of the term “eternal covenant,” which he finds to be “a bilateral, conditional, and breakable covenant involving the obligations of God and humans” (Steven D. Mason, “Eternal Covenant” in the Pentateuch: The Contours of an Elusive Phrase [New York, NY: T&T Clark International, 2008], p. 226 [italics original]). See also Gerhard von Rad, Das erste Buch Mose: Genesis Kapitel 12,10 – 25,18, ATD (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1952), p. 168.

[18] Jan Christian Gertz, “Covenant II. Old Testament,” Religion Past & Present: Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, edited by Hans Dieter Betz et al., vol. 3 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2007, pp. 526–8), p. 527. See also George E. Mendenhall, Law and Covenant in Israel and the Ancient Near East (Pittsburgh, Biblical Colloquium, 1955); Gerhard von Rad, Theologie des Alten Testaments, vol. 1: Die Theologie der geschichtlichen Überlieferungen Israels (Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1987), p. 146.

[19] Adapted from: Christian A. Eberhart, What a Difference a Meal Makes: The Last Supper in the Bible and in the Christian Church, translated by Michael Putman (Houston: Lucid Books, 2016), p. 70 (table 2).

[20] Cf. Christian A. Eberhart, “Blood. I. Ancient Near East and Hebrew Bible/Old Testament,” Encyclopedia of the Bible and its Reception vol. 4 (Berlin; New York: Walter DeGruyter, 2012, pp. 20112), pp. 2024.

[21] The limited space of this essay does not permit an exhaustive discussion of the complex problems of the four words of institution from the perspectives of form criticism, tradition history, etc. However, most scholars recognize the words of Jesus spoken over the cup according to Mark 14:24 (and Matthew 26:28) as derived from the covenant at Mt. Sinai in Exodus 24:8 (cf. Johannes Behm, “αἷμα, αἱματεκχυσία,” ThWNT 1 [1933, pp. 171–76], p. 174; Joachim Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach Markus: 2. Teilband Mk 8,27–16,20, EKK 2/2 [Neukirchen-Vluyn; Zürich: Neukirchener, 1979], p. 245; Xavier Léon-Dufour, Le partage du pain eucharistique selon le Nouveau Testament, Parole de Dieu [Paris: du Seuil, 1982], pp. 170–72; Hermann Lich­ten­berger, “‘Bund’ in der Abendmahls­über­lieferung,” in Bund und Tora: Zur theologischen Begriffsgeschichte in alttestamentlicher, früh­jüdischer und urchristlicher Tradition, edited by id. and Friedrich Avemarie, WUNT 92 [Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1996, pp. 217–28], pp. 221–25; Peter Wick, Die urchristlichen Gottesdienste: Entstehung und Entwicklung im Rahmen der früh­jüdischen Tempel-, Synagogen- und Hausfrömmigkeit, BWANT 150 [Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2002, pp. 248–49]). By contrast, the different terminology in 1 Corinthians 11:25 and Luke 22:20 points to the “new covenant” written on the hearts of Israel and Judah according to Jeremiah 38:31 LXX (cf. Ferdinand Hahn, Theologie des Neuen Testaments, vol. 2: Die Einheit des Neuen Testaments: The­ma­ti­sche Darstellung [Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2nd ed. 2005], pp. 479–80). However, this covenant narrative does not mention any blood, so that a partial reference to Exodus 24:8 should nevertheless be assumed for 1 Corinthians 11:25; Luke 22:20. For a more detailed discussion, see Christian A. Eberhart, Kultmetaphorik und Christologie: Opfer- und Sühneterminologie im Neuen Testament, WUNT 306 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013), pp. 118–23.

[22] It is not warranted to insist on too strong a distinction between “cup” and “wine/blood” in the words of institution. The cup that is emphasized in 1 Corinthians 11:25 clearly contains wine, which represents the blood of Jesus so as to convey his death. Furthermore, the words “poured out” are not standard terminology for the “sharing” of a cup among participants of a meal; instead they typically refer to the outpouring of liquids such as wine (Matthew 9:17; Luke 5:37). Cf. Lich­ten­berger, “‘Bund’ in der Abendmahls­über­lie­ferung,” pp. 222–3.

[23] Jesus celebrated his Last Supper ritual during the Passover festival, a traditional Jewish feast that commemorated salvation from slavery in Egypt. The food of the Last Supper was also a symbol of commemoration, as is indicated in 1 Corinthians 11:24, 25; Luke 22:19. The focus of commemoration was Jesus who brought salvation from danger (cf. Eberhart, What a Difference a Meal Makes, pp. 54–8). Hence, the Last Supper combines several important Jewish traditions like Passover and sacrificial atonement. However, the words of institution pertaining to the cup do not evoke the peculiar apotropaic Passover blood rite according to Exodus 12:7, 22, which stipulates the application of blood to doorposts and the lintel of a house.

[24] Reflections on translation matters further elucidates this point. The Bible used by the early Christians was the collection of writings commonly called “Old Testament” today. But these Christians soon distinguished themselves from their Jewish environment by giving preference to the Greek translation of the Hebrew text, which is now commonly called “Septuagint” (LXX). In this translation, various Greek terms could have been employed for the rendering of berith, the Hebrew word for “covenant.” Martin Rösel explains that terms denoting bilateral contractual obligations like synthēke or spondē would have been available. Instead, the early translators chose the Greek legal term diathēke to render Hebrew berith which designates a unilateral provision or ordinance (cf. Martin Rösel, “Exkurs: Zur Übersetzung von διαθήκη,” in Septuaginta Deutsch: Erläuterungen und Kommentare zum griechischen Alten Testament, vol. I Genesis bis Makkabäer, edited by Martin Karrer and Wolfgang Kraus [Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2011], p. 170). It is this Greek term diathēke that has been adopted in the early Christian texts for the covenant established by Jesus. The very terminology thus suggests its rather unilateral character. Due to this lack of mutuality that is already manifest in the Old Testament and to highlight its legal character, Rösel goes on to suggest that a more appropriate rendering for diathēke in the Septuagint would be “disposition” or “obligation.” However, my preference for the usage of the translation of diathēke as “covenant” is guided by considerations of the conceptual goal. The various covenant events in the Old Testament as well as the covenant that Jesus establishes in the Eucharist aim at a connection and have an underlying relational dimension, specifically an existence vis-à-vis God.

[25] Michael Welker, What Happens in Holy Communion? (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2000), p. 108.

[26] Cf. Adela Y. Collins, Mark: A Commentary on the Gospel of Mark, Hermeneia (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2007), p. 500; Ulrike Mittmann, “Jes 53 LXX – ein umstrittener urchristlicher Referenztext: Zum traditions- und rezeptionsgeschichtlichen Hintergrund der Einsetzungsworte,” in Die Septuaginta und das frühe Christentum: The Septuagint and Christian Origins, edited by Thomas S. Caulley and Hermann Lichtenberger, WUNT 277 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011, pp. 216–32), pp. 221–22.

[27] Elizabeth Johnson, Abounding in Kindness (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2015), p. 3.

[28] Hans Küng, Justification, 40th anniversary ed. (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1964/2004), p. 231.

[29] Johann Baptist Metz, “The Last Universalists,” in The Future of Theology, edited by Miroslav Volf et al. (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996), p. 50.

[30] Ignacio Ellacuría, Essays on History, Liberation, and Salvation, edited by Michael Lee, with an “Introduction” by Michael Lee and “Commentary” by Kevin Burke (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2013), p. 206.

[31] Will Kymlicka, Finding Our Way: Rethinking Ethnocultural Relations in Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 80.

[32] https://www.refugeeswelcome.ca/about.

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